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MALE

OCUMOSION

RITES

VERSUS

ZULUCULTURE

NTOKOZO CHRISTOPHER MTHEMBU

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All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any
information storage or retrieval system without permission from the copyright holder.

The Author has made every effort to trace and acknowledge sources/resources/
individuals. In the event that any images/information have been incorrectly attributed or
credited, the Author will be pleased to rectify these omissions at the earliest opportunity.

Published by Author using Reach Publishers’ services
P.O.Box 1384, Wandsbeck, 3631

ISBN 978-0-620-59033-4
elSBN 978-0-620-59034-1

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Contents

List of Acronyms 5

Preface 7

Acknowledgements 13

1. Introduction 15

Background 20

The concept of quality of life 22

The concept of 'rite of passage' 27

Construction of 'natural space' 36

® 7.

Historical narratives of circumcision 45

Contemporary circumcision practices versus cultural
preservation 59

Ramification of ideologies of subjection 70

Methodology 75

10.

Research findings 81

11.

Discussion and recommendations 103

12.

Conclusion 118

Glossary of terms 120

Bibliography 122

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List of Acronyms

AIDS

Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome

AIKS

African Indigenous Knowledge Systems

IKS

Indigenous Knowledge Systems

African Union

BCE

Before Common Era

COR

Conservation of Resources

CIRP

Drawings Courtesy of Circumcision Information and

Resource Page A

CRL

Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the

Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities -

HIV

Human Immunodeficiency Virus

IFP

Inkatha Freedom Party

INTACT

International Organisation Against Circumcision Trauma

Intellectual Property

Male Circumcision

MMC

Medical Male Circumcision

NFP

National Freedom Party

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NO HARMM

National Organisation to Halt the Abuse and Routine

Mutilation of Males

NOCIRC

National Organisation of Circumcision Information

Resource Centres

NSP

National Strategic Plan

OAU

Organisation of African Unity

PPP

Partnership - Private-Public Partnership

SPSS

Statistical Package for the Social Sciences

STDs

Sexually Transmitted Diseases

STI

Sexually Transmitted Infection

^ TB

Tuberculosis 1

TMPs

Traditional/Indigenous medical practitioners

UDF

United Democratic Front

UNAIDS'

Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS

United States

USA

United States of America

WHiPT

Women's HIV Prevention Tracking Project

WHO

World Health Organization

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PREFACE

T he formal launch of Mandelism in 1994 - a liberal democratic
political system that emerged out of negotiations between
apartheid regimes' white National Party and a segment of African
elite led by the Charterist's African National Congress (ANC). The era that
is best known for civil rights and consolidation of the spoils of primitive
accumulation, i.e. land that was viciously taken from Indigenous Africans.
This era brought about high hopes to the previously colonised black
African majority, especially concerning the redressing of and recognition
of indigenous African cultural value systems as they were negatively
affected by colonialism , in particular socio-political issues (that ranged
from indigenous knowledge creation systems, youth socialisation
processes and inculcation of expected community values and related
institutions such as family and community structures, i.e. school) which
are paramount in the realisation of the advantages of a liberated state.

The post- apartheid South African state regime under the tutelage of
the ANC promulgated various social policies in fulfilling what the author
of this publication opts to call a conventional paradigm after liberation

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- an expectation of things being better in terms of life improvement
on issues that include land deficiency and related community cultural
structures, and related value systems since they are some of the issues
that caused the need to embark on what is known as the struggle for
liberation. This book coincides with the twenty year anniversary of the
launch of the political settlement that is highly celebrated globally by its
darlings and acts as a form of evaluation as to whether the aspired hope
of the previously disadvantaged has been realised especially on issues
that relate to the recognition of indigenous youth socialisation processes
such as the circumcision rite and related values and institutions i.e.
traditional schools and academic and community structures. Thus, it
becomes significant to recall the ancient African academic institutions
such as Sankore University at Timbuktu in Mali that remains as a living
testimony of unsurpassed academic experience that is the proof of the
provision of the living indigenous African knowledge systems that has
stood the test of time through the ages with unwavering commitment to
spiritual academic guidance and related architectural science, i.e. mud
burnt bricks, rocks, grass and timber for roofing purposes (Hrbek, 1992:
276). However, this ancient academic institution remains marginalised
by the western-oriented academic institutions.

There is a need to tap into the previously unrecognised indigenous
African knowledge systems and related sciences especially when it
comes to invoking the Priestly-oriented ancient Khemetic science (that
preceded Egypt) that is associated with ancient scholars such as Imhotep 1
(Bangura, 2012:114).

Although the South African post apartheid era was expected to be the

1 The father of medicine universally because when Greece developed to a state of
producing a scholar such as Socrates, the ancient Kemet was already far advanced on
issues such as academia and the related faculty of medicine.

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Preface

time of focussing specifically on redressing the impact of the colonialist
apartheid policy, it has had to focus on unexpected life threatening
situation(s) not only to the individual but also to the survival of the nation
in general, i.e. HIV/AIDS. In order for the present regime, in conjunction
with community structures, to combat this dreadful disease, it passed
various policies including utilising the circumcision rite. The South African
government strategy of utilising the revival of circumcision practices to
curb the HIV/AIDS epidemic and related sexual transmitted diseases that
enabled the Zulu monarch to proclaim the revival of the circumcision
rite on the 5th of December 2009, during Umkhosi Woselwa (the First
Fruits Ceremony) at Nyokeni Royal Palace (KwaZulu-Natal Legislature
Speeches, 2011).

So, these interventions tend to enable policymakers, government related
structures, researchers, scholars and, community members included
in this study, to assess the viability or the extent to which what was
expected to be achieved - redressing the impact of colonialism injustices
especially the inferiosation of the indigenous African knowledge systems
and sciences - has actually been achieved. Since the future is associated
with the young people, their views become particularly relevant when
attempting to assess and dissect social change in a diverse society with
many different cultural backgrounds like South Africa. This book reveals
an outcome of a scrutiny of the revival of circumcision practices in post¬
apartheid South Africa: a case study of perceptions of young men based
in the Durban, Jozini and Hluhluwe communities as part of a research
project that took place from 2012 to 2013. Indeed, it was an honour for
me to participate in this research project and in team efforts to gain a
better understanding of the perception of young people regarding the
viability of circumcision in curbing the impact of the HIV/AIDS endemic
in South Africa, in particular in KwaZulu-Natal.

In view of the observable developments especially when it comes

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to a better understanding of indigenous African people and their
environments, the present academic front still does not recognise
the indigenous knowledge and related analytical framework. These
shortcomings tend to be more visible especially when dissecting socio¬
cultural issues that affect indigenes of the land such as Afrophobia that
is normally dubbed as xenophobia. For instance, during the height of
Afrophobia in South Africa in the past years, most analysis tended to be
contributing to what other scholars refer to as pseudo-scientific analysis
because the analysis tended to ignore the fact that all African people
were affected by this violent action irrespective of the individual origins
of their locality. Again, this tendency tended to raise its un-scholastic
spirit, which can be witnessed in the present analysis on circumcision
rites. This is more visible especially when identifying the relevant
affected locale that tends to experience the challenges on conducting
the rite of passage to adulthood, as related analysis suggests that it is
"all" indigenous traditional schools, which is not true. These analyses
also suggest that Izinyanga and their muthi are unscientific and are not
trained to handle the contemporal ailments such as HIV/AIDS. So, this
tendency tends to justify the marginalisation of Izinyanga in their own
game, meeting the required statistics of the donors and legitimisation of
the western based medical male circumcision practice that compromise
the true essence of the Afrocentric definition of the rite of passage to
adulthood. Besides that, it also fails to reveal the true African historical
background on rite of passage to adulthood and related chemistry of
Khemet in relation to formulation of relevant muthi to treat a relevant
ailment. It is worth bringing to light the fact that ancient Khemet remains
a shining example to the present faculty of medicine, as the word -
chemist was derived from the word Khemet and acknowledge the
unsurpassed perfection of chemistry - that simply means black science
(Bangura, 2012:114). This was emphasised by Bangura (2012:116) when
he highlighted that:

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Preface

“The starting point of the human family has now to be sought for
in Africa, the birthplace of the black race, the land of the oldest
known human types, and of those that preceded and most nearly
approached the human... Aethiopia and Egypt produced the
earliest civilization in the world and it was indigenous. So far as
the records of language and mythology can offer us guidance,
there is nothing beyond Egypt and Aethiopia but Africa..."

Therefore, in order to avoid these analytical shortcomings a true
understanding and relevant analytical framework needs to be
developed in order to contribute positively to the theoretical analytical
framework of the 'liberated' state. This enables the consideration of
human relations, humans' relationship to their mystics, to nature and
relationships to themselves (Bangura, 2012:118). Thus, the utilising
of the previously abandoned African scientific perspective such as the
transcended Afrocentric Homology of African indigenous knowledge
Systems - (Homology -AIKS) becomes relevant (Bangura, 2012:109;
Mthembu, 2013). Homology (AIKS) emphasises some of the following
fundamental ubuntu principles: the adoration of uNkulunkulu -the Most
High Creator/ Jehovah), acknowledgement of the common origin of
homo sapiens and related socio-cultural experiences and the compulsion
to transcend the contemporal Enlightenment rationale (ibid.). Some of
the socio-cultural practices are commonly experienced silently by the
general population - irrespective of the pigmentation of the skin, i.e.
practice of the circumcision rite.

Another universal and commonly 'enjoyed' source of knowledge is the
Bible - the Bible referrals and their relevance is vital especially when it
comes to gaining a better understanding of and positively contributing
to the circumcision discourse in general. Although the Bible is relevant in
this instance, it is worthy to highlight the significance of the interpretation
paradigm in which that particular scholar utilised it. It is worthy to

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highlight that the present Bible based on the interpretation of early
Christian scholar Sixtus Julius Afrim, was based on the directives of the
notorious Roman ancient Nicean religious club and related policies, i.e.
Milan decree that encouraged the alteration of certain practices of the
ancient faith systems to man-made faith-religion founded on the rebuttal
and subsequent attempt to halt the natural prophetic tempo of the Saint
Yehoshua [Jesus Christ] ancient doctrine and change of Saturday as the
day of worship to Sunday as part of worshipping white people's sun god -
helios and promotion of Protestant ethics. So, in utilising the advantages
provided by the Homology (AIKS) analytical perspective and fulfilment of
the relevant Bible interpretation in this instance, the advancement of the
original (pre- Afrim Bible version) ancient African Royal theocratic Order
that emphasises the life of everliving - immortality especially when it
comes to understanding the mythology of uNkulunkulu - Creator of the
Universe and including all living creatures - the visible, i.e. humans and
invisible such as the air - and related rituals. Furthermore, it enables
its scholars to explore: socio-economic, political and faith-related
issues concurrently. The understanding of this historical background is
significant when attempting to 'uncode' the same ancient faith parables
in particular regarding the invasion of dreaded diseases such as HIV/
AIDS, sexually transmitted diseases - STDs and the circumcision rite.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

would like to thank the research team members, especially the
post-graduate students: Ms Nontuthuko Khumalo, Mr Mfanafuthi
Mazibuko and Ms Nonhlanhla Ngcobo, who shared their time in
this regard. I also give special thanks to Professor N.S. Zulu, a former
Dean in the School of Arts at University of KwaZulu-Natal, Howard
College, Durban, South Africa who also participated in the South African
Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural,
Religious and Linguistic Communities (CRL) for his scholarly comments
and guidance in the writing of this book. I would also like to give thanks
to Professor Goolam Vahed and Dr Vukile Khumalo from the History
Department of the same University for their encouragement to present
the research project in their Peer Review Seminars that helped to
broaden and better the understanding of issues under discussion in this
publication. Most of all I would like to say to the participants, "ukwanda
kwatiwa umthakathi" for their willingness to share their perceptions,
which were very informative in the enrichment of this publication and
indigenous knowledge in general.

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Most of all I am indebted to the University of KwaZulu-Natal College of
Humanities Strategic Research Grant for providing related resources
towards the accomplishment of this project. Lastly, I would like to
acknowledge data that was derived from my current Doctor of Literature
and Philosophy - Sociology study entitled; Black African township
youth survival strategies in post-apartheid South Africa: a case study
of KwaMashu township within eThekwini Municipality at the University
of South Africa. This data strongly influenced the initiation and the
completion of this study.

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1. INTRODUCTION

T he advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994 brought with it high
hopes for redressing the past injustices regarding various social
issues that had altered the normal development of indigenous
knowledge systems (IKS). For instance, socialisation institutions such
as the family and their related educational institutions; i.e. initiation
schools, which were responsible for inculcating expected behaviour or
skills in the youth, were severely affected by colonialism (Callinicos,
1990:2; Magema, 1998:10). This led to a change of behaviour and
manner of interaction between the elders and the youth and among
the youth themselves, as the relationship between the elders and
the youth tended to be characterised by a lack of respect and related
issues.

The political transition in the country has been viewed by some, as
a significant opportunity to reinvent and develop IKS in an attempt
to redress the youth delinquency phenomenon that faces our
generation as a nation and in particular as indigenous Africans. The
scourge of HIV/AIDS and related diseases has highlighted the urgency
of implementing a realistic strategy that will bring about relief from

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these dreadful diseases that continue to ravage our society (Abejuela
III, 2007:210; Muthwa, 1996:136 & 184; Francis, 2013; Zulu, 2006:36;
KwaZulu-Natal Legislature Speeches, 2011). In responding to the HIV/
AIDS pandemic, the South African government promulgated various
policies that relate to IKS. For instance, Section 185 of the South
African Constitution requires the establishment of a Commission
for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious
and Linguistic Communities (CRL). In addition, in July 2009, the male
circumcision policy in South Africa was endorsed by the National
Strategic Plan (NSP) for HIV and AIDS, which proclaimed medical
male circumcision (MMC) as a preventative mechanism towards the
reduction of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) (Koehler, 2010:27;
KwaZulu-Natal Legislature Speeches, 2011).

The impact of change in the socio-political sphere as a result of the
political transition of South Africa also facilitated the revisiting of the
functioning of other indigenous cultural practices in a country known
for its various cultures. For instance, more than 10 indigenous cultural
groups exist, such as the abaPedi, amaNdebele, amaXhosa, abeSuthu,
amaZulu and many more that share a common ancestry; the Nguni
people and other non-African indigenous people; i.e. the original
western and eastern people. Although the circumcision rite has been
practised across the globe; e.g.by western Jews and abeSuthu- and
isiXhosa-speaking people from time immemorial, other social groupings
such as the Zulu-speaking people in Africa have tended to abandon this
socialisation practice over time (Mafeje, 1991:40; Sundler, 2004:163;
World Health Organization & Joint United Nations Programme, 2007:4;
KwaZulu-Natal Legislature Speeches, 2011).

The development in the South African social policy that promotes
indigenous cultural practices and the government's adoption of
circumcision as a strategy for curbing the HIV/AID pandemic provided

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Introduction

the Zulu clan 2 with the opportunity to revive some of its long-
abandoned cultural practices such as ukusoka - the circumcision rite,
first celebration and umkhosi womhlanga - reed festival, which had
previously ceased to be practised for various reasons (Magema, 1998;
Department of Health - KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Government, 2010a;
Department of Health - KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Government, 2010b).

According to the 2006 government findings on the trials of the viability
of male circumcision towards the reduction of HIV transmission, the
trials were halted because of unexpected interim results that the
circumcision rite has protective elements. These findings endorse
the results from a study conducted earlier in Orange Farm in
Gauteng Province (Department of Health - KwaZulu-Natal Provincial
Government, 2010a). Consequently, various social institutions saw
the circumcision rite as a practical source of stability and social
change in modern urbanised communities and as being central to our
understanding of current problems such as HIV/AIDS and our ability
to resolve this disease (Women's HIV Prevention Tracking Project
(WHiPT), 2010:28).

Although the first circumcision trials in Orange Farm in late 2006
and subsequent practices in this regard, including the KwaZulu-
Natal circumcision practices, were endorsed as progressive steps
in eradicating the threats of HIV/AIDS and in cultural preservation,
the trials tended to be characterised by the limited participation of
Izinyanga - indigenous doctors, the use of their muthi or medicine and
the involvement of the elders (KwaZulu-Natal Legislature Speeches,
2011). This limited participation has created a negative interpretation
in some quarters, as it is seen as the continuation of the same old

2 The term “tribe” refers to a purely cultural logic, the delimitation of which is a common
language (Mafeje, 1991:38).

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agenda of inferiorisation of IKS, as related structures are viewed as
ineffective by virtue of the tendency to promote of western MMC
practices in conducting this rite (Department of Health - KwaZulu-Natal
Provincial Government, 2010; Hammersmith, 2007:3). Apart from
indirectly giving the wrong impression that African traditional medical
practitioners (TMPs) such as Izinyanga and izangoma and their umuthi
are not relevant or effective in curbing the scourge of HIV/AIDS and
related diseases, they are viewed as 'informal' and part of the 'hidden
economy' and have become spectators on their own turf of conducting
the indigenous circumcision rite of passage to adulthood (Nesvag,
1999:9). This has also led to a further marginalisation and denial of
the further development of the traditional medical practitioners to
meet challenges experienced in the present global competition (Sibisi,
1989:106; Hammersmith, 2007:5 & 7). This problem led to the need to
conduct a study to gain a better understanding of the rationale behind
and challenges related to the revival of circumcision rite practices as
they are viewed as an antidote in dealing with the HIV/AIDS pandemic
in the post-apartheid era, in particular the KwaZulu-Natal Province
circumcision approach.

The relevance and continuation of the circumcision rite remain central
to the related discourse, as there are divergent views in this regard.
One view suggests that the continuation of this rite is tantamount
to genital mutilation while another view suggests that it is a form of
cultural preservation. In attempts to gain more understanding of the
impact of the current practices in relation to the sustenance of the
cultural practice, the present dominant social settings of consumerism 3
become crucial (Daneel, 1998:242). It is necessary to scrutinise the
role played by related stakeholders; i.e. state departments such as

3 It emphasises the material progress and upward mobility as morally justifiable trends,
irrespective of its alienating consequences, especially when it comes to self and place.

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Introduction

the Department of Health, and relevant communities and structures
such as local leaders, the Chief or Induna, and indigenous leaders'
organisations in shaping the current practices of circumcision in the
post-apartheid era (Department of Health - KwaZulu-Natal Provincial
Government, 2010a).

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2. BACKGROUND

T he current socio-cultural, behavioural and developmental
challenges facing the revival of some of the old religio-cultural
practices such as circumcision suggest that despite the highly
celebrated political transition from a minority regime to majority rule,
the rationale behind the adoption of circumcision as a strategy and its
role in redressing the past injustices among black African youth in general
remains viewed differently (Mthembu, 2011; Daneel, 1998:237)). Du Toit
(2003), James (2005) and Hrbek (1992: 85) argue that it is imperative to
understand issues such as traditional career development perspectives
of cultural restoration that are seen to be the means by which an
individual sustains life. Furthermore, the understanding of young black
African people's conception of their transition to adulthood, what they
conceive adulthood to mean, and how their development is facilitated
or hindered by socio-political structural conditions is important (Richter
& Panday, 2006:3).

The Department of Trade and Industry's special policy and framework
suggests a means of protecting IKS through strategies such as the
intellectual property (IP) system, using a variety of tools in the form

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Background

of patents, trademarks, copyright, trade secret and contractual
arrangements (Department of Trade and Industry, 2004:10). Additionally,
it also facilitates the convergence of IKS practices and learning
conventions of other communities of practice. Learning conventions of
the academy are also brought into dialogue with specialised conventions
of the other communities of practice (Mthembu, 2011:50). So, the
impact of revival and continuance of circumcision as a strategy of and
practice by some black communities and its influence in social change
in the post-apartheid era are observable (Snyman, 1997; Flick, 1998:29;
Kincheloe & McLaren, 1994:139).

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3. THE CONCEPT OF
QUALITY OF LIFE

W hen attempting to gain a better understanding of the rationale
that facilitates an individual's change regarding their status
in their respective environment, it is imperative to consider
what people or individuals view as meaningful in their lives and the
type of living that is considered as advantageous or not advantageous.
Individual choices are normally influenced by the cultural environment
in which each person has been raised. This is also confirmed by Hofstede
(1984) and Giddens (1971:120) who stated that it is significant to note
that the definition of the notion of quality of life depended on the culture
of that particular group of people or nation, for instance, other social
groups' definition of quality of life is highly influenced or determined by
the fulfilment of certain material desires. Whilst in other social groups,
quality of life relates to the level that people decrease and limit their
material desires.

However, irrespective of the social group that an individual belongs to,
the common aspect of an individual's quality of life has been determined
by the quality of their work life. In relation to the improvement of quality
of life and the quality of work, both are dependent on individual options

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The concept of quality of life

and cultural constrains (Hofstede, 1984:389). In addition, these social
artefacts are determined by a particular community/society, as the
measurement of employment patterns, achievement and attainment of
essential desires. For instance, in some communities the fundamental
allegiance of an individual lies within the family circles, i.e. parents,
relatives and clan, which is regarded as the fulfilment of a quality life.
Furthermore, in such a community, the high quality of employment
determines the meeting of the desires of the family (ibid.). It's
significant to note that work must be regarded in the broad context of
encompassing life trends, for example, at the cultural level, work and
life cannot be divorced. This suggests that the definition of 'quality' is
dictated by particular values that are associated with 'good' and 'bad'.
Therefore, this means that values are to a certain degree determined
by individual choice and to a larger degree, what is viewed as good and
bad is determined by the individual's cultural environment (Flofstede,
1984:389).

3.1 Value pattern

In order to understand how an individual's cultural value systems function
towards influencing the individual's options in determining what is good
and bad, it will be significant to note the definition of value that is widely
favoured regarding one situation of relationships over others. So, it is
worth highlighting that culture can be viewed as encompassing the
course of the mind that differentiates the members of one category of
individuals from another (Flofstede, 1984:389).

So, when attempting to understand the definition of cultural value
systems, it is imperative to consider four elements that Flofstede
(1984:390; Giddens, 1971:122) highlighted in this regard:

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Power relations: the type of culture and related social stratum
and authority assigned to each irrespective of whether such
status entrenches inequality within the society but are viewed
as legitimate and normal. This suggests that inequality can be
welcomed to a certain extent and this differs from one culture to
another.

Individualism: though it forms part of culture, it tends to contradict
the collectivism individualistic culture that puts emphasis on the
individual's primary focus on their interests and the immediate
interests of their close relatives, i.e. husband, wife and children. It
is significant to note that collective culture argues that individuals
via birth and later related occurrences determine their affiliation
to singular or multi 'in-groups' which cannot be disconnected from
that individual. Normally, the in-group irrespective of whether it
relates to extended family or clan or organisation, safeguards the
interests of its affiliates as the means to entrench their permanent
loyalty. Thus, the collective community is characterised by close-
up relations in comparison with individualistic society that is
characterised by an unsecured merger.

Masculinity: it forms part of the identity of culture and contradicts
feminism, as it normally uses the biological justification of two
genders that determine almost all functions for men and women.
It also encourages assertiveness, ambition and competitiveness as
the means to achieve material aspirations as well as respecting
what is viewed as gigantic, tough and swift. In return, it encourages
the women to act and protect the 'non-material' quality of life such
as children and the frail. Meanwhile the feminist culture's view
sees the overlapping of social responsibilities for both genders,
where men or women aspire to be ambitious and competitive.
Both genders vary when it comes to determining what is viewed

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The concept of quality of life

as quality of life versus material success regardless of size, strength
and speed. Thus, in the masculine and feminine cultures the
determining value systems within political and work structures
tend to be dictated by men's values that promote material success
and assertiveness.

• Uncertainty avoidance: this also forms part of culture identity -
the extent to which people in a certain culture are made to be
frightened by a particular phenomenon that is viewed as not
clearly understood through the adoption of a series of strategies
and codes (i.e. policy and systems) and behaviours and belief in
absolute truths that are meant to avoid such an incident. It is
significant to note that cultures that have a strong uncertainty
tend to be meditative, less aggressive, detached, more tolerant
and accepting of individual peril.

Though we acknowledge the quality of life and its significance to all
cultures, it is worth highlighting that scholars in the 'former' Western
colonised countries tended to depend on definitions of "quality" that
reinforces the North American value systems (Hofstede, 1984:397). This
tendency tends to follow the normal entrenchment of the Western or
European values because most of the social scientists and community
leaders in general in the former western colonies have been educated
in the Western-oriented education system. Hofstede (1984) argues that
this is one of the greatest challenges that normally face the post-colonial
state around the world, as the related leadership and social scientists are
caught up with intellectual imperialism as they are seen championing
foreign ideals. For example, this hidden ethnocentricity is normally
used as a rationale for "scientific verbiage" that justifies the U.S. social
scientific models and instruments that are attributed with high status
value. This is why it is recommended that there is a need for extensive
individual courage and independence of thought of researchers in the

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former Western or Eastern colonies to highlight that these models and
instruments are completely or partially irrelevant to another social
environment.

Therefore, it is worth highlighting that scientific models are not literally
meant for what is openly declared as the intention, as they are normally
related to a quasi-religious, symbolic meaning that needs to be effected.
In other words, social scientists are the outcome - children of their culture.
So, trends of collectivism such as loyalty to the scientific reference group
-U.S. or European university and huge power distance (i.e. intellectual
dependency) tends to prevail in the 'former' colonised countries. Despite
counter forces, data on western ethnocentrism suggests that it cannot
be achieved, as countries that attempted to adopt or transfer Western
ideals have experienced a chaotic response. However, countries that
translated these theories in line with their on cultural traditions, such as
Japan and Singapore, have outshone the West. Thus, in other quarters
they declare bon voyage to ethnocentrism in social science theories and
specifically to the definitions of the quality of life (Hofstede, 1984:397).

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4. THE CONCEPT OF
"RITE OF PASSAGE”

I t is vital to understand what is meant by the term "rite of passage"
and in attempting to unravel this concept, it is also important to note
what has been the core of the rites of passage in the pre-industrial
societies-the manner in which its members progress through transitional
life stages by way of using rites and ceremonies. However, it's worth
highlighting that the concept of rite for passage was first proclaimed by
Van Gennep in the nineteenth century when he attempted to clarify the
ritualised practices and related ceremonies that various cultures develop
as part of formalisation of the movement from one life stage and
entering of another stage (Van Gennep, 1960:2; Giddens, 1971:121). He
suggested that there are three types of characteristics of rite of passage:

• The spiritual/symbolic needs of the participants are met through
engagement in the rite or ceremony that enables for a construction
of a 'new' self-identity;

• "Communitas" of which is formed through observed events that
are viewed and acknowledged as significant by other community
members and

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• The ritual embedded condidons that can be viewed as challenging
to the participants' physically, in particular on issues that pertain
to moral or intellectual cultural teachings, as they inculcate a
particular behaviour which signals the passing on to the next life
stage (Van Gennep, 1960:3; Giddens, 1971:123).

Although this has been confined to the study of anthropology, other
related studies such as Sociology, also identifies similar criterion,
and acknowledges it as a mechanism that alleviates the tension
that is associated with transitional stages and related changes in the
industrialised societies (Giddens, 1971:123). There is a wide range of
spectrums of life phases that can be viewed as categories that constitute
the initiation ceremony or a rite of passage. In the European cultures
there are few ceremonial rites of passage, however in the Nguni people
in the south of Africa, there are various related rites from as early as
childhood to adulthood (Van Gennep, 1960:3; Mthembu, 2006 &
2009; Nkosi, 2005). So, this event tends to be viewed as the repository
individuals that are related to each other and defines the changing
nature of their status and 'related responsibilities'.

It is significant to note that not all these signposts are in line with
community norms and governmental legislations, such as certain
adolescent deviant activities, i.e., drug usage and gang affiliation.
These can also be viewed as effective rites of passage to some children
especially the disadvantaged or marginalised stratum though they may
not be consistent with the prevailing norms of the society. Therefore,
both activities of criminality and becoming "adult" can be viewed as a
"tool" for the development and maintenance of a particular appearance
of masculinity. For example, when a man commits an armed robbery,
can it be said that he is performing like a male - performing masculinity.
Ogilvie and Van Zyl, (2001:3) suggests that deviant activities are a form
of:

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"...a way of elaborating, perhaps celebrating, distinctively male
forms of action and ways of being, such as collective drinking and
gambling on street corners, interpersonal physical challenges and
moral tests, cocky posturing and arrogant claims to back up 'tough
fronts'".

So, the engagement in criminal behaviours with peers sharing the same
idea, can be viewed as the collectivisation method that is similar to the
criteria that was initially identified by Van Gennep. It's worth highlighting
that some criminal activities can teach and lead to construction of a new
set of self identity that is acknowledged, accepted and respected by
others. This view shows that others are willing to tolerate the notion
that suggests incarceration also serves as a replacement for traditional
rites of passage. In addition, this is also emphasised by the fact that the
age and type of crime and the offending behaviours typically involve
peers especially in criminality that was engaged upon for "fun" and
"adventure" (Ogilvie & Van Zyl, 2001:3). Furthermore, incarceration
practice tends to serve as the "replacement" rite of passage though it
only focusses on one aspect of criminal activities that also serves as the
"learning experiences". Again this suggests that incarceration is not a
replacement rite of passage but is another avenue for construction of
identity, as schools, leisure groups and "loose" peer interactions (Ogilvie
& Van Zyl, 2001:3).

4.1 Alternative socialisation process

As we attempt to understand better the impact of Western colonialism
in South Africa, Africa and the world in general, it is worth taking note
that it has resulted in the development of alternative rites of passage
in other communities. It is significant to note that the forceful removal

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and alienation of the indigenous people in accessing land and related
resources led to the abandonment and subsequent adoption of alternative
socialisation processes. For example, the pact of proletarisation
processes forced the migration of individuals from rural households to
urban centres with the hope of attaining a better quality of life. Since
urban communities are no longer enjoying their defined youth rites of
passage to adulthood, this has led to the development of alternative
socialisation processes. For instance, the role of imprisonment tended
to act as the alternative initiation process of the indigenous youth, in
particular males (Ogilvie & Van Zyl, 2001). Ogilvie & Van Zyl (2001) argues
that this is illustrated by the large number of inmates held captive, in
particular indigenous youth in comparison with non-indigenous youth.

Perhaps, it is vital to revisit the idea of incarceration as a rite of passage
that is voluntary or not, as other critical views suggest that the idea that
custody has substituted initiation is not true. Flowever, it is a fact that
there is a form of hero worship of ex-prisoners by other youth, in particular
boys, but this does not justify that imprisonment has substituted the
tribal initiation, as it still prevails in other communities. In addition, it
rejects the prison-as-a-rite-of-passage theory, as the incarceration
can involve a "positive" element of choice that runs concurrently with
opposing substantial literature based on indigenous incarceration. The
argument that is raised in this literature suggests that incarceration in
particular, damages the incarcerated indigenous youth (Ogilvie &Van Zyl,
2001 : 2 ).

Flowever, it is argued that the concept of incarceration tends to suggests
that the initiation process for young males presumes something that is
viewed as the status of acquired wisdom although there is no empirical
evidence that supports imprisonment as a substitute to a manhood
rite (Ogilvie & Van Zyl, 2001:2). Although contemporary in other
communities such as the Zulu nation, in particular in the urban areas,

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there are no well defined initiation ceremonies that proclaim manhood.
Thus, it is suggested that it "appears that young people tend to choose
alternative initiation rites of passage that reinforce the basis of pride and
achievement" (ibid.).

4.2 Concept of crossing borders

For us to have a clear understanding of the processes of youth transition
that include circumcision, leads to the next phase or position in social
structures. Then the location in which it takes place and related essential
resources when performing this rite are significant in terms of topographic
space, whether in a human created space or natural. For instance, in the
bush or mountains, by a river or building, or in the metaphysical sphere,
such as beyond the material world (Mendel, 2007:32). In addition, it
is also significant to be cautious of what accompanies the topographic
aspect so that there is a clear understanding of the end result of partaking
in such a rite, i.e. the level that it leads to, whether it is a low or high
status. Mendel (2007) argues that this new status is normally presented
in the dual opposition manner, for instance, child versus student, parent
versus parent of a student.

The ritual transition theory framework is more relevant in the twenty first
century despite its inception in the twentieth century, as it explores a life
course transition that is highly influenced by Western society and related
institutions that govern them, including the transition to fatherhood
(Draper, 2003:11). In attempting to a gain a better understanding of young
men transitioning to adulthood, a ritual transition theory is recommended
as it reflects contemporary transitions in the broad spectrum of a life
course (Draper, 2003:5). It functions within the law of regeneration
that emphasises that life is a continuous course between death and

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rebirth and also highlights how everyday behaviour contributed to the
establishment of social change, competition and social coherence (Van
Gennep, 1960:9). In addition, Van Gennep (1960:3, Mthembu, 2006 &
2009) argue that in traditional societies individuals move between rigid
positions or events that include birth, childhood, marriage and death.

The fundamental emphasis of this theory is the manner of attaining a
new status that can be regarded as the passage or movement between
positions that have a distinct common guide that get reproduced
regardless of the event. He defined this common guide in three stages:
separation, transition or limen and incorporation. He called this
arrangementthe 'ritesdepassage '(Van Gennep, 1960:11). When literally
translating passage, it refers to a transition and arrangement patterns
that constitute the rites of transition (Draper, 2003:6). The rejection of
a large quantity of ritual practices in various traditional communities, in
particular in Western secular societies, has led to ritual impoverishment
(Draper, 2003:10).

The post-modern Western culture emphasis on individualism that ignores
the significance of the collective contribution of rituals (Van Gennep,
1960). The contemporary arrangements deny that rituals are a public
expression but have rather judged them as being too individualistic, as
the emphasis is on the individual achieving transition alone with related
private symbols, resulting in it becoming a private matter within the
psychoanalysis limitations (Draper, 2003:10). This has had a negative
impact as it has led to the replacement of a well defined set of rituals
for another. Despite the impact of Western ritual impoverishment, the
nature of rituals is flexible and vacillating (ibid.). Draper argues that the
simple definition of ritual transition theory shows the dynamics and
change of cultural practices as the difference between ritual and non¬
ritual transitions are less distinctive (2003:10). This allows the usage of
the notion of ritual transition to understand how individuals make their

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living and promotes the rediscovery and cultivation of ritual meaning in
daily life in the process of development and implementation of the ritual
(ibid.).

The observable practical development of the processes of rites is that
power dynamics cannot be underestimated between its practitioners
such as the parent and the child relationship. Since such a relationship is
highly dictated by schools, then, it's worth dissecting the current concept
of the schooling system with an understanding that it is grounded on
the Enlightenment doctrine. This schooling system operates on the
pass and fail principle that emphasises that enlightened schooling that
is viewed as the legitimate terrain of acquiring knowledge versus the
home that is viewed as unqualified to offer a sound tutorial programme.
So, it is significant to note that despite various attempts to curb a trend
of viewing home-school relations as opposing fronts and not intended
for child welfare, this opposition trend tends to be indirectly promoted

by various means; for instance, in South Africa, it has become a norm
and statutory for the parents to send their children to school (Mendel,
2007:32).

Consequently, related contractual obligations form the basis of the rite of
passage that emphasise the clear patterns of division levels such as the
separation, periphery and aggregation. In addition, this is also illustrated
by the parental contractual obligations that indirectly empower the rule
of the school. It's worth noting that when a child experiences transition
from home-private space to school-public space, this transition is not
easily grasped by either child or family and also acts as the alienating
factor of symbols of home life (Mendel, 2007:32). This tends to be
demonstrated when a child reaches the school crossing phase where
they tend to experience physical and emotional separation from their
related life and culture. This is why it is suggested that when transforming
their reality, it is recommended to distance ourselves from crossing its

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entrance, as it is entrenched in the sphere of language that defines clearly
a ritualised character of human activity (Mendel, 2007:30). Though such
presentation can be in metaphors, it can also be in symbolic behaviours,
ritual identity with words, gestures and the manner of utilising entry
to school to form material that has a clear component of the school
space. However, it's worth highlighting that in the school crossing phase,
parents - mother or father - also assume a new identity/status of parent
that is normally 'not' taught by their new status (Mendel, 2007:31).
This is significant as it constitutes the component of the communicable
approach towards culture that is relevant in this study as the researchers
in this study endeavour to analyse the reality and decode the meanings
through semiotics (Mendel, 2007). Mendel (2007:33) attempted to
illustrate two scenarios of school crossing phases- rite the merge and rite
of aggregation:

4.2.1 Rite the merge

It's worth highlighting that this phase indirectly serves as the first
juncture of alienation or marginalisation of the child from his/her social
environment such as family or communty that he comes from. This
situation tends to subject the child to a chaotic environment, that is
described as the rite the merge - the luminal sphere in crossing home-
school border, the rite the passage, as it consists of an introduction to a
new social reality, which is also accompanied by fear and lack of trust. In
other words, this phase captures the child in a 'no-man's-land' in terms
of space and time which would normally be dictated by culture that
he aspire to achieve something before moving on (Mendel, 2007:33).
In other instances, this scenario resembles two inseparable spheres of
the material and metaphysical worlds that are bound by a mystifying
transitional sphere that presents a holistic nature and is also viewed as a

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sacred sphere and a taboo subject (Van Gennep, 1960:9).

4.2.2 Rite of aggregation

The transition from one sphere or position to another sphere or position
can be simply defined as the rite of passage from home. For instance, at
home a particular status is bestowed, i.e. a child and in the school sphere
a pupil/student status is awarded (Giddens, 1971:130). This suggests
that rite of passage from home to school involves definition of spatiality,
as the school space is considered to be proximally as it has a defined set
of rules (Mendel, 2007:33). In addition, this sphere is also characterised
by binary coding behaviour such as the usage of opposition, i.e.
informal - versus formal dress codes that can be summarised as signs of
subordination and power relations that dictates the rite of aggregation.

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5. CONSTRUCTION OF
"NATURAL SPACE”

T o gain a better understanding of present youth perceptions of
the cultural revival of the circumcision rite in KwaZulu-Natal, it
is necessary to adopt a constructive critical perspective. This is

especially true when attempting to dissect the South African landscape,
which is normally regarded as uncomplicated "natural space"; i.e. the
space of the "postcolonial" era. This becomes particularly important
when exploring some of the ways in which these spaces are viewed in
the dominant culture. This creates an impression that natural spaces
exist outside of history or as transmitters of idealised history, which is
critical to a country in a post-colonial context such as South Africa. In
such a context, the revival of cultural practices such as the circumcision
rite becomes significant in understanding the perceptions of the
indigenous population, which was subjugated and excluded during the
colonial era (Brooks, 2000:64). Thus, the "natural" spaces of the country
need to be brought back to history and placed in their political and
historical context, especially when dissecting cultural issues that relate
to indigenous people in a particular locale.

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5.1 Nature and temporality

When attempting to gain an understanding of nature, it is important to
consider what Brooks (2000) highlights: that the present construction
of nature involves spatial aspects although it is viewed as a temporal
arrangement. When we look at the South African context it is unjust to
overlook the true historical development, asthe country's developmental
framework has been defined within the western experience of nature,
which cannot be ignored for its sad recreations of the past (Giddens,
1971:129). Thus, in the "natural" spaces, time is constructed in a
certain format, as it is used as a spatial and a temporal indicator for the
identification of the positive and negative and the manner of thinking
about the relations of the ancient and the modern cultural settings
(Brooks, 2000).

Figure 1: Map of early Nguni people movement routes (Source: Conner (1990))

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When we look at the cultural category of "nature" Brooks (2000)
suggests that there are two views that should be considered with
their related concealed time element: first, natural spaces are viewed
as timeless, beyond time limits or linked to an ancient era prior to
the documenting of historical social developments. So, to define such
a landscape as "natural" tends to ignore the historical milieu, which
results in its separation from society. For example, in its present usage
and construction, the word "wilderness" is viewed as the antithesis of
"culture", which makes it difficult to link the word with a related human
historical context. Second, the ancient epoch is viewed as more "natural"
and better, which suggests that nature also acted as a significant feature
in defining a heavenly version of the past, as natural space is viewed
as pure and untouched by present settings and as the expansion of an
imagined past that can be characterised as pure, or wiser, or true natural
settings. Thus, nature becomes a romanticised past; i.e., it becomes a
lost time space that offers us possibilities of escape from the present.

The designation of a landscape as natural tends to conceal the negative
features of the land's history; for instance, the negative social relations
and their impact on the livelihoods of the populace in general, such as
the impact of Imfecane Wars, which were led by King Shaka and brought
about the destruction of the ancient African dynasty in the region
(Brooks, 2000:71; Magema, 1998:57; Giddens, 1971:129). Subsequently,
this led to misunderstanding, dismemberment and rebuttal of individual
and nations' fundamental survival guidelines and their leadership format
based on the royal theocratic framework (by virtue of their espousal of
the notion of uNkulunkulu, which relates to creator worship), alteration
of local societal patterns to suit the colonialist programme, change
to a cultural values system and a threatening of the continuation of
strategies for survival of the indigenous population in general. So, in both
instances, wild nature is presented as space outside time and projected
as a remnant from a lost world. This tends to rebuff reality or promote

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unclear realities of history and of the present. In addition, nature presents
both space and an absence, as it has already lost time and space (Brooks,
2000:65). Such perceptions become particularly relevant in this regard,
especially when attempting to gain a better understanding of the Zulu
nation's cultural traits and how they are represented in KwaZulu-Natal.
In attempting to understand the composition of the Zulu Kingdom, it is
vital to consider that there was a demand for the recognition of the 11
provincial Amakhosi (chiefs) 4 of KwaZulu-Natal to be granted the same
status as that given to the recognised King Zulu Goodwill Zwelithini in the
new political dispensation 5 (Khumalo, 2007).

The images of the culture(s) of the indigenous populace in South Africa
tend to be created and presented to meet the expectations of tourists
and ecotourism marketing strategies. In addition, although tourism
is seen as a business, in reality it is about "construction, packaging,
transmission and consumption of images and representations of society
and its past" (Brooks, 2000). Furthermore, this construction is aimed at
tourists (who are often people of European origin) and interlinked to
gain their power from related stories from various constituencies, in this
instance, government agencies and Zulu men.

4 The list of those claiming the kingship presented at the Ulundi meeting include M J
Radebe of AmaHlubi tribe, M A Hlongwane of the AmaNgwane tribe, S D Mngomezulu
of the Mngomezulu tribe, M Mngomezulu also of the Mngomezulu tribe, M J Tembe

of the AmaThonga tribe, M Z Dlamini of the Nhlangwini clan, M S Ndwandwe of the
AbaNguni tribe, M Miya of AmaZizi tribe, V A Madlala of the Madlala tribe, D E Msomi
of the Msomi tribe and M A Mavuso of the AmaNgwane Tribe.

5 The principle underlying the Houses of Chiefs is simple: all western democracies have
at least one House of Parliament, which represents all citizens on questions of national
relevance. Some countries, such as Canada, the UK and the US, also have a second House
of Parliament — a Senate or House of Lords — that deals with situations or interests
related to geography, regional equality, or history (Ray, 2001).

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5.2 A space in the distance of time and timeless Africa 6

The traditional circumcision rite that forms part of the current cultural
revival in KwaZulu-Natal can be linked to natural spaces and is often
presented as being distant, of a time that is caught up in the spheres of
timelessness. It issignificantthat normally Africa is presented in response
to colonial schema, as a place without a history apart from what has
been experienced through colonial invasion (Brooks, 2000:66; Giddens,
1971:127). Thus, terms such as "primeval" or "primordial", which persist
because of colonial obligation, are experienced in the ecotourism and
safari marketing narrative on East Africa and other parts of the African
continent, including South Africa.

The strength of this type of primeval timelessness in the marketing of
the African and its "nature" is highly consolidated, as "safari" tourism
discourse suggests that there is no history of this particular space. Instead
Africa is regarded as "a land of spectacular natural beauty occupied only
by wild animals and savages" (Brooks, 2000). This type of development
can be witnessed in the overall marketing strategy of the KwaZulu-
Natal province through its initiative of "Timeless Afrika". It is claimed
that the letter "k" is used instead of a "g" in the word "Africa" with a
view to advancing the enchantment of the destination. In addition, the
timelessness argument tends to reinforce the assertion of the "outside
of time ecstasy" that forms part of the KwaZulu-Natal Province.

Another element in the creation of a space outside of time that tends to
complement a timeless Africa is a "timeless Zululand". Hence, in addition
to wild animals, timeless Zululand reinforces the determination of the
notion of "unchanging Zulu culture". For instance, tourists are referred to

6 A version of the original name of the continent: Akebulan , which means the cradle of
humankind.

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Shakaland, where they can expect to "experience the essence of Africa,
pulsating tribal rhythms, assegai wielding warriors and the mysterious
rituals of the Sangoma interpreting messages from the Spirits". In
addition, in some instances, this is presented in the romanticised colonial
history as a static and somehow magical Zulu culture, together with the
spaces of conservation and nature:

This land has witnessed one of the greatest challenges to the
supremacy of the once mighty British Empire during the tragic...
of the Anglo-Zulu War. It is also steeped in the fascinating culture
of the people who call it home. Rich in symbolism and tradition,
here the heartbeat of Africa throbs with an almost mystic vitality...

Perhaps, in attempting to understand the dynamic of culture and its
preservation in this region, it is important to consider challenges posed
by western colonisation processes in relation to the land distribution
policies, which tend to confuse and demean the IKS (Brooks, 2000:67;
Bangura, 2012). Brooks emphasises this tendency, which is reflected
by some western scholars when referring to Africa, its people and the
environment. This is despite their understanding of the sacredness of
space that is currently quarantined outside the normal rules of time and
social history, which need to be transmitted to non-indigenous people by
the people they define as "natives" because of their link to nature. For
example, these scholars express the following type of view:

Well, I think it...an archetypal home for mankind. I mean, early
man had been there, and the bushmen had been there. There are
still remnants of bushman paintings. But you need midwives-you
need midwives to enable you to understand it... (Brooks, 2000:67)

This view tends to reflect the aspiration to be linked to nature through
the exploitation of indigenous cultures, which these scholars initially

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label as barbaric and pagan (Brooks, 2000:68). In addition, assigned the
task of the agency, the 'natives' in this regard become the interpreters
of what they call the "timeless wilderness of Africa" to the "spiritually
impoverished westerners".

5.3 Presentation of the "glorious past"

In attempting to understand the manner in which the past is presented in
the present, it is important that the present practice attempts to recreate
the African past by utilising rites such as the revival of circumcision. In
justifying the revival of such a cultural practice, King Shaka becomes
central, in this instance, as the rationale for the abandonment of this
circumcision practice is ascribed to him without considering other
related factors. In addition, this tendency to blame King Shaka also
indirectly contributes to the emphasis of the nineteenth century notion
of the glorious history instead of the primeval or timeless nature of the
ritual. This is also confirmed by Brooks (2000), who argues that this type
of attitude contributes to the consolidation of the "white myth" of King
Shaka by certain white academics. These academics argue that:

...in post-apartheid South Africa we cannot escape the shadow
cast by Shaka kaSenzangakhona: It still stalks the hills of Zululand,
darkens the classrooms with its narrative of violence, and disturbs
the politicians' proclamations of national unity, even as they
attempt to claim Shaka as their own.

The revival of circumcision tends to contribute to the mythical role of
King Shaka, which is also linked to the consolidation of Zulu masculinity as
part of the forging of the idealised history of the Zulu nation. This type of
developmental approach tends to entrench the stereotypes of masculine

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identities, which are associated with fighting and hunting (Brooks, 2000).
These social constructions are marketed, justified and promoted through
the co-option of individual(s) in the echelons of various social agencies
such as the monarchy of that particular community (Brooks, 2000:69).
Such a practice tends to ignore the historical account of ancient African
monarchy, which has been put aside by various violent colonial strategies,
and the establishment of the capitalist monetary system that was
consolidated through proletarisation 7 programmes via idealistic appeal
(Giddens, 1971). Cultural artefacts such as the circumcision rite become
more relevant when the colonisers present the romantic past. This is
because the glories of the Zulu historical narratives become more feasible
when they are imagined and assimilated by tourists and performed by
the indigenous people, who remain alienated from the spatiality where
their social processes were learned and practised under the tutelage
of the elders who remain marginalised, not partaking meaningfully in
the present circumcision practice (Ntsebeza, 2002; Pewa, 1997). Thus,
the practice of circumcision has been revived under the tutelage of a
cultural revival, which has been endorsed by certain traditional leaders
in keeping with the colonialist past, as normally occurs in such western-
oriented projects that are linked to African indigenous values.

However, this phony experience of Zulu men tends to be based on the
narratives of oral history that ignore and work against the glorious
history of the past and add to the "invented tradition" for the benefit of
western globalisation, which demands euphoria (Finnegan, 2012: xxvii).
This also contributes to the celebration of the manufactured narratives
and lost independence of the pre-colonial state, which have been

7 It is a strategic process whereby indigenous African people were violently removed from
their land by the east and western settler colonialist fronts in order they can act as the
source of cheap labour, inculcating the worker mentality - selling of labour power as a
source of meeting livelihoods and creating dependency tendencies to the colonised.

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granted the status of the legends of the region (Brooks, 2000:69). Then,
the construction of black African monophysite patriarchate masculinity
becomes more relevant, especially when attempting to dissect the
circumcision rite practices in the twenty-first century (Ntsebeza, 2002;
Pewa, 1997). This dissection tends to illustrate the "superior" status
that is given to the white men's medicine in resolving problems that are
encountered in the "inferiority" of indigenous cultural practices such as
the circumcision rite and related medicine that "fail" to solve medical
challenges.

So, it is worth highlighting that the preservationist discourse is currently
characterised by the interference of foreign agencies that tend to have a
different mandate to the indigenous people regarding the understanding
of cultural preservation. Thus, the post-apartheid era is characterised
by cultural revival without the transference of the land to its rightful
owners due to constraints set up on the settler colonialist front. In
other words, the special issues such as land handover remain presented
in the melancholy that continues to be treated in a commoditised
manner through the Wakefield approach 8 - a willing seller; willing buyer
arrangement (Cousins, n.d.). This suggests that the cultural revival,
especially of the circumcision rite of the Zulu nation, is marketed and
promoted under the auspices of "Timeless Afrika".

8 The South African government instituted a land redistribution strategy of selling back
the land that was violently taken from the original rightful owners - indigenous Africans
at exorbitant prices. However, this strategy was abandoned in 2013 by the government,
as it failed dismally (as it delivered about 5.8 million hectares estimated around 5% of
commercial farmland that is accompanied by the majority of large claims that remain
unresolved) to meet the liberation mandate of reinstating the land back to the owners
(Cousins, n.d.).

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6. HISTORICAL NARRATIVES
OF CIRCUMCISION

T o gain a clear understanding of the discourse of circumcision in
the globalised era, it is vital to revisit its cultural epistemology. An
important start is to revisit the definition of culture, especially as

this monograph attempts to scrutinise the circumcision ritual in this era,
where discussion of the revival and sustenance of the ritual abounds.
Thus, it is vital to understand what the term "culture" entails, especially
when trying to gain a clearer understanding of the basis on which the
South African government's social development policies and some of
its interventions, especially those that relate to service delivery in the
pre- and post-1994 eras, are developed. A term such as "culture" tends
to provide the subjugated populace referred to in association with the
term with some form of advantage, such as the means of survival in the
organisation of its daily livelihood (ibid.). For example, La Hausse (1984)
cites that the manner in which people cook their food and the kinds of
food they cook reveal a good deal about their spirit.

Cultural studies the relationships between elements in a whole way of
life. La Hausse (1984) highlights that the extent of the definition of culture
tends to provide a significant response to those who use the term in

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particular to refer to issues that are viewed as fictitious, artistic products
and too broad for analytical purposes. So, this term "culture" is more
useful when understood as the means by which social groups deal with
their lived experience of the surrounding social conditions of existence
to produce an expression and representation of these conditions in a
variety of attitudes, values, symbols and practices (La Hausse, 1984:36).

The historic background of the ritual of circumcision, especially male
circumcision, shows that this ritual has been practised in various parts
of the ancient world by peoples such as: South Sea Islanders, Australian
Aborigines, Sumatrans, Incas, Aztecs, Mayans and ancient Egyptians/
Kemet. Currently, communities such as Jews, Muslims and many
communities in East and Southern Africa also keep the practice alive
(Doyle, 2005).

Different views exist about the rationale for the practice of male
circumcision. One view suggests that this ritual came about in response
to the demands of surgical procedure. A view commonly held at the
beginning of the twentieth century suggested that circumcision
emerged as the means to cure or prevent life threatening circumstances
or conditions. One hundred conditions were cited, which included
alcoholism, asthma, epilepsy, enuresis, hernia, gout, rectal failure,
rheumatism and kidney disease (Doyle, 2005). In 169 before common
era (BCE), the rite was temporarily banned when Antiochus occupied
the temple in Jerusalem with his armed forces. European clans such
as the Greeks, Romans, Gauls and Celts abandoned the practice as
from that time. Additionally, this ritual was associated with Jewish
tradition, as any person who committed a crime against the Jewish law,
such as being naked in public, was regarded as the "uncircumcised"
(Doyle, 2005). For example, in the first century BCE a number of Jewish
athletes were regarded as "uncircumcised" when they participated in
a Jerusalem athletic competition with their visiting counterparts the

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Greeks and avoided being laughed at by running naked like the visiting
Greeks.

Doyle (2005) writes that, although circumcision is likely to have been
practised before recorded history, evidence for this is largely dependent
on texts whose accuracy remains debatable; for instance, certain Biblical
references that cannot be taken literally. Doyle (2005) explains that the
Bible was also used to determine whether circumcision would be adopted
as part of the Christian faith. A number of references to the Bible were
used at a gathering that came to be known as the "Jerusalem Conference"
, which was convened to settle a dispute regarding circumcision among
the early Christians (Acts 15: 1-21; Kiyohiro, n.d.). The significance of
this ritual to the Jews of that era cannot be overstated, as it symbolised
their commitment to their faith, culture and nationhood (Doyle, 2005).
The Jerusalem Conference decided that as the Gospel was for everyone
circumcision would not be a prerequisite for affiliating to the faith. This
had an impact on the present practice of this faith (Doyle, 2005:281).

The indigenous populace of Africa is composed of many communities,
each of which practises ritual circumcision in its own way in well-defined
territories (Doyle, 2005:281). Historically, for example, in KwaZulu-Natal
the Zulu community in the early nineteenth century came to be the
dominant group under the charismatic leadership of its warrior King
Shaka Zulu and in the south in the Eastern Cape the amaXhosa practised
the ritual.

Circumcision ceremonies and their duration vary from region to region
(Wagner, 1949:337). For example, in Southern Africa, Sotho and Xhosa
ceremonies normally take about a month in each year while in West and
Central Africa such ceremonies are held every three or four years and
candidates are aged from as young as 12 to as old as 22 or even older.
Again, the age depends on local group preferences, pressure to initiate

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more warriors 9 and the freedom allowed potential candidates to decide
whether to participate or to wait for a school at a later date (Wagner,
1949). Although the right to decide when to partake in the ritual is given
to the boy himself, in the case where a boy persistently refuses to partake
in the ritual his father or his circumcised brothers eventually catch him
to be circumcised by force, especially if he is the eldest son. Junod
(1962:94) concludes that the purpose of the school is to "introduce the
little boy into manhood, to cleanse him from the inkwenkwe to make him
a thoughtful member of the community" (Marck, 1997:354).

The elders decide the calling of the next school session in any given year
and considerable time and resources then become involved. Although
there are different phases before the actual ceremony takes place that
depend solely on the particular community, three observable phases can
be described. The first phase consists of preparatory observances by the
candidates and leads up to the actual ritual. The second phase comprises
the life of the abakhwetha 10 at the ekhankasini/iphempe * 11 they stay at
while they are instructed in both practical and theoretical knowledge of
adult life. During this period they live under the care and guidance of a
number of ikhankatha 12 , who are assisted by various tutors who instruct
them both in general knowledge and in the particular ritual observances
that are demanded from the initiates (Wagner, 1949).

It is worthy to highlight that there are clearly marked social divisions
that remain visible in the modern societies that tends to distinguish

9 Most Bantu groups that held initiation schools required that men wishing to participate
in warfare be already initiated (warrior status was normally defined in terms of having
been initiated).

10 Boys going through a ritual.

11 The hut of isolation and where circumcision takes place.

12 The principal of the circumcision school.

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between religious and secular monophysite spheres that can be defined
as profane/ sacred (Hrbek, 1992: 274). These differences are determined
by power dynamics (Gennep, 1960:1; Giddens, 1971: 130). It is vital to
note that the life of an individual in any society is subjected to a series of
passages that indicates a progression from one level to another, i.e. age
or traditional social group. However, transition from one social group to
another group or social situation to the next is highly respected. Thus
an individual's life is made up of a succession of stages with similar
beginnings and endings: birth, social puberty, marriage, fatherhood/
motherhood, moving to the next level in community structure or
occupation specialisation, and finally death. This also has an influence to
some extent on related ceremonies of birth, childhood, social puberty,
betrothal, marriage, pregnancy, fatherhood, initiation into related
society and funerals (Van Gennep, 1960:3).

Figure 2: Painting depicting ancient African circumcision rite (Source: Davis (2011))

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There are different forms of circumcision that are practised in various
regions of Africa and the following four types of circumcision are
commonly practised (Doyle, 2005).

The foreskin (prepuce) is removed, exposing the whole glans of a flaccid
penis; the frenum is snipped, which leaves the foreskin intact; the
foreskin is cut where some of it is removed and a remnant left as one
or two lateral flaps of loose skin; and the foreskin is removed through
"subincision" and a thin stick inserted into the urethra to maintain its
patency (Doyle, 2005:279). Furthermore, prior to the reign of King Shaka
the Zulu nation separated from the broader community and youngsters
were also taught not only adult responsibilities but also ukuhlobonga 13
to satisfy sexual desires without the outcome of pregnancy (Doyle,
2005).Wagner (1949) argues that medicines made of plants are used in
the days after the circumcisions, as part of the promotion of healing and
prevention of infectious disease. Infections are rare as witnessed after
the circumcision of several hundred boys without a single case of death
or serious illness (Wagner, 1949:356). Nevertheless, life at the initiation
school ends with "a series of elaborate ceremonies and a period of
feasting" and finally, a feast of coming out (Wagner, 1949:363).

Figure 3: Helichrysum caespititium plant formula (Source: Gibbons (2004))

13 Sexual intercourse practices such as the non-penetrative sex long practised by the clan.

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Although Izinyanga contribute above R25 million annually but remain
considered as the "unscientific and hidden economy (Ndinda, Uzodike,
Chimbwete, & Mgeyane, 2011). Gibbons (2004) highlighted some of
the indigenous plants, i.e. Helichrysum caespititium in the circumcision
wound treatment that are used by Izinyanga in South Africa. For example,
Gibbons (2004) highlights that a bioassay-guided study of this species led
to the isolation of Helichrysum caespititium plant formula (MIC, 5 pg mb 1 ).

Furthermore, abafana 14 who went through circumcision school supervise
the candidates and teach traditional songs that will be performed when
they re-enter the community (Marck, 1997:354). The third phase, finally,
begins with the feast of coming out of the hut of isolation and becoming
amakrwala. This is followed by a series of further rites and festive
occasions. During this period, the candidates continue to use the special
huts at home (Marck, 1997:353).

Figure 4 depicts some of the tools that were and still are used by some
indigenes of Africa: 1. The soldier ant, 2. Flywhisk, 3.a.and b. The
piercing method, using a thorn, 4. Sugar cane ring, 5. Peeling method.
For instance, young men use flywhisk string and a thorn to perform the
ukughatha rite whilst herding cattle under the watchful eye of inggwele
- the elderly boys. Certain indigenous communities have continued with
the practice of circumcision; they did not subsequently adopt it but
have continued with their own initiation ceremonies to the present. For
instance, for both Sotho and Xhosa boys, circumcision is still considered
to be a rite of passage into manhood as well as a trial of bravery and a
blood sacrifice (Doyle, 2005:282). However, around Southern Africa there
seem to be more instances where initiation schools (and circumcision)
were abandoned, especially during the times of civil war or warfare in

14 This term is used normally by Xhosa people to refer to males who have undergone the
same ritual processes.

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general. The reinstitution of the schools tended to vary from region to
region within the African continent. For instance, the Zulu Kingdom in
the Southern African region suspended the ritual due to the civil war
normally dubbed Imfecane and the revival of this practice tended to be
through "borrowing" the practices of neighbouring or foreign people
rather than reviving their own previous practices (Marck, 1997:350).

Figure 4: Some of the Indigenous African circumcision methods
(Source: Male circumcision, violence, and sexual health (2011))

Perhaps, before we can explore the contemporary state of this ritual, it is
necessary to understand the notion of consumerism. The consumerism
doctrine puts emphasis on the ever-increasing consumption of goods
and services as the basis of a sound economy/continual expansion of
wants of and needs for goods and services (Business dictionary). Since

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the present practice of performing circumcisions in government clinics
and mission hospitals does not have related education sessions such as
the "introduction to adult responsibility" course, this results in the loss
of an opportunity to inculcate responsible citizenship in young people.
Despite other mission hospitals' attempts to compensate for this loss
by offering circumcisions by male doctors under sterile conditions
and secluding young male patients from all females while teaching
them about STDs and HIV/AIDS, this still falls short of a broader "adult
responsibilities" curriculum based on social material conditions (Doyle,
2005). Additionally, the treatment of any infection that occurs following
the circumcision tends to use medication that looks like a thick paste of
sugar (or honey) and wood ash, which are applied and then covered with
an occlusive cloth or rag, which is totally different from the ancient ways
of practice (Doyle, 2005:283).

It has generally been accepted that the practice of circumcision
developed independently across nations for different reasons. The
ancient Egyptians were known to have defiled captured slaves with
various forms of mutilation, such as castration or the amputation of
other appendages (Doyle, 2005). Circumcision, however, might have
been a more cost-effective way of permanently marking human property
without the morbidity (and, therefore, loss of productivity) of a slave
marked through some other mutilation. During the Seleucid period, it
became a mark of the recently disenfranchised. For those Jews who
were sympathetic to the Hellenic project, circumcision was viewed as
an embarrassment and a mark of shame (1 Maccabees 1:14-16). Given
the stigma that circumcision had begun to carry, it is not surprising that
some would wish to hide it (Kaicher & Swan, 2010:18).

Under Roman law, it was illegal for any citizen of the empire to be
circumcised unless he was Jewish and the penalty for breaking this
law was usually death. The mark, therefore, would have had two very

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different meanings at the same time for two different classes of people
(Pirie, 1927; Lannon et al., 1999). For the slave, it would have been
an obvious symbol of shame and degradation and, for the master, it
would have been a sacred religious symbol. Then, in eighteenth-century
England, a unique combination of events occurred that led to the revival
of circumcision, first as a public health measure and then as a symbol of
wealth and status (Kaicher & Swan, 2010). This was more prevalent in
the United States (US) than anywhere else in the world, far more than
in England, where it was reserved for the upper class (Kaicher & Swan,
2010 ).

At the turn of the nineteenth century, infant circumcision enjoyed a
vogue acceptance in the West although it became a ritual in America
that was brought into practice for health reasons, as it was claimed
to be useful for preventing penile and cervical carcinoma infections
(Kaicher & Swan, 2010). Regions in the US and Korea experienced an
increase in the numbers of circumcised, as about 1,000,000 circumcised
were produced annually in the US and 90% of high school boys in Korea
became circumcised. Both countries attributed the rise in the numbers
of circumcised to the link between being uncircumcised and the fungal
and bacterial infections noticed in the Vietnam and the Korean wars. This
notion was further advocated by various agencies in the US and numerous
organisations that are dedicated either to making it even more popular
or to discouraging and condemning it. These organisations include the
National Organisation to Halt the Abuse and Routine Mutilation of Males
(NO HARMM), the National Organisation of Circumcision Information
Resource Centres (NOCIRC) and the International Organisation Against
Circumcision Trauma (INTACT) (Kaicher & Swan, 2010:283).

What was once viewed as a public health measure became a symbol of
American citizenship. It became a mark of distinction, separating those
who were born in the US from those who were not, those who were

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clean and well bred from those who were poor, foreign and unhygienic
(Lannon et al., 1999). Circumcision in the US is interesting because it
has continued to be practised with great frequency, even though the
original justifications for the procedure have been forgotten (Lannon
et al., 1999). Although by the early twentieth century most American
doctors understood the germ theory of disease and infection and had
accepted it, by the 1930s they also understood that masturbation does
not cause blindness, psychiatric disorders or any of the other diseases
that the Victorians had imputed to it (Kaicher & Swan, 2010:19).

6.1 Concept of conservation of resources (COR)

In order to have a clear understanding of the present circumcision
practice in particular the recently launched KwaZulu-Natal circumcision
approach, it will be vital to revisit the concept of conservation of
resources, as this circumcision approach was revived on the basis of
cultural preservation and protection of human resources (KwaZulu-Natal
Legislature Speeches, 2011:15). The concept of conservation of resources
puts emphasis on the sustenance, encouragement and protection of
resources, which is fundamental when dissecting the impact of severely
stressful and traumatic situations (Hobfall, 2001: 337).

When attempting to dissect a stressful situation, it is recommended to
consider that individuals, families and tribes forge the reconstruction and
allocation of resources for the advancement of the resource protection
agenda. Hobfall (2001: 354) argues that they also respond reactively
to phenomenon and swiftly move to the position of being proactive to
what has happened recently. In addition, social agents tend to depend
on their ability as individuals and others to some extent, which can
clearly be witnessed in the KwaZulu-Natal scenario, where the monarchy

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in conjunction with other social agents saw fit to implement the revival
of the circumcision rite (KwaZulu-Natal Legislature Speeches, 2011:15;
Hobfall, 2001: 354). Thus, in some instances, this tendency tends to
involve risk taking, as it view old patterns as unsuitable and not meeting
the present demand. This is also emphasised by the perceived positive
changes that are involved in such severe stress which includes the sphere
of self-perceptions and relations to others. This is clearly illustrated by
the strategy and manner in which the revival of circumcision campaign in
KwaZulu-Natal is promoted under the tutelage of high hopes of creating
conditions whereby circumcision reduces chances of contracting sexually
transmitted diseases - although this idea remains debateable at present
(KwaZulu-Natal Legislature Speeches, 2011). Although self-directed
behaviour is essential in this instance, social and cultural influences
normally limit or stop attempts according to defined structures of
action. Thus, it is recommended that there be a balancing of theories of
cognitive evaluation that are outlined by normal social construction of
the acceptable definition of self (Hobfall, 2001: 355).

In order to understand relevant community views that pertain to the
present socio-political state in a country like South Africa, will require
some understanding of various concepts. The notion of a national
identity versus a personal identity becomes more relevant especially
when attempting to understand what things people do. In addition,
Barry (2001) argues that the notion of national identity is relevant
when considering the problem of ethnic divisions, discrimination and
the notion of a rainbow nation. Furthermore, a recognised concept of
nationality is insufficient to generate the level of "equal concern and
respect" for other citizens with whom one does not identify in any other
way (Barry, 2001).

Thus, national identity attempts to establish homogeneity, or a
homogeneous national identity, which may not be the solution.

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Nonetheless, what is required is an inclusive notion of national identity
that entails an understanding of the destiny of others and an ability to
identify with them, through, a sense of solidarity that can be realised
by sharing of institutions and a gap closure in material inequalities. So
at present, one may argue on what is more visible, which is the cultural
difference of material circumstances that are perpetuated by a liberal
democracy (Barry, 2001).

Although currently, liberal democracy is the order of the day, which
depends on citizens having certain attitudes towards one another, most
important is that they must regard everyone's interests as counting
equally, so that they are able to identify a common good and are
prepared to make certain sacrifices for that common good (Barry, 2001).
Barry labels this exercise as civic nationality, which is different to formal
nationality (i.e. as personified in a passport) and ethnic nationality proves
to be divisive, as it demonises "the other." Nevertheless, the identity is
not a "constant sum game" that entails one identity to be replaced by
another, but identity has an "additive" quality to it, the parallel of which
is the ability to learn to speak more than one language (Barry, 2001: 81).
So, there must be a certain degree of overlap in people's identities in
order for them to be on a required level that is "mutually recognised" and
understood by others in relation to existence, exclusion and obliteration
of differences (Samara, 2004).

Besides the present observable contradictions that relates to consumer
oriented socio-political settings that advocates human rights on one
hand while on the other hand wooing youth including minor people
for mutilation rite in what they define as the cultural revival exercise
(Daneel, 1998:242). Additionally, despite the various views regarding the
origins of this ritual, there is also a need to really consider its relevance
during that period. In doing so, it will be vital to highlight that origin
of this ritual tends to highlight that its origins are somehow linked to

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some faith-oriented covenant that requires that its adherents have to
physically be circumcised as a symbol of their commitment.

So, in scrutinising the relevance of this ritual at this juncture, it tends to
be something that does not hold water, as different tribal groupings in
various parts of the world have tended to withdraw and come back to
this ritual at whatever time and whenever they felt the impulse to do
so. Then its significance becomes something that is really fuzzy which
then raises the debatable issue of exactly what culture the Zulu tribe
and other related tribes or races for that matter claim to be reviving /
preserving. Thus such debate becomes more relevant especially when
considering what the adherents of the Bible 15 say, which cannot be taken
lightly, especially when we speak of Africa and faith, which cannot be
separated.

15 Refer to some of the Bible chapters - Leviticus 26:40-42; Deuteronomy 10:12-16

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7. CONTEMPORARY CIRCUM¬
CISION PRACTICES VERSUS

7.1. Fundamentals of the medical male circumcision approach

When attempting to understand the rationale behind the adoption of
the present MMC approach, which forms part of the cultural revival
in the KwaZulu-Natal province and in particular by the Zulu nation,
one needs to review related previous medical interventions. In order
to avoid a "psychoanalysis" of medical knowledge as the means to
prevent the development of a fantasy that is concerned with "objected"
values instead of advocating a positive medicine that puts emphasis
on objectivity as its main focus point (Focault, 1976:x). An approach is
needed that enables an exploration of qualitative accuracy as the means
to ensure a clear understanding of what has been studied in the past by
dissecting the perceptions of related participants to cast out the spell
of fantasy. It is also important to note that not all powers of a visionary
space that is utilised by medical practitioners and patients and related
agencies have vanished or transferred or are included in the singularity
of patients in the sphere of "subjective symptoms". Thus, medical
practitioners tend to espouse the world of objects to be known instead of
the nature of knowledge, which suggests that the linkages of knowledge

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and pain are consolidated through various mechanisms that pervade the
mind concerning the diseases in the body. So, this reductive discourse
of doctors tends to suggest that figures of pain are not conjured away
by means of a body of neutralised knowledge that has been advocated
in the space that encourages a visualised manner (Focault, 1976:xi).
This also adds to the silent configuration where language is supported
in tempo with the relations of situation and attitude regarding what is
being discussed and what is discussed in a particular time.

Since the contemporary syntactical change has turned language into
rational discourse, the curbing of the spread of HIV/AIDS can be achieved
through the utilisation of the MMC method, irrespective of the fact that
a thin line divides a description of the MMC that is promoted as best
practice from the modern male circumcision method (Focault, 1976:xi).
The metaphorical description of these methods is inculcated "over the
tunic" of the mind, which necessitates the scrutiny of the basis of the
visible and invisible, as it is linked with the division between what is
stated and what should be said. This assists in avoiding the advocacy
of medical language that seems to be in harmony with, thus ensuring
higher standards on the basis of the specialisation and verbalisation of
the pathological sphere, where conversational observations of medical
practitioners in relation to circumcision revival as the antidote of HIV/
AIDS emerge and converse with it (Focault, 1976:xii).

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Figure 5: The illustration of Tara Klampa 16

Source: Drawings Courtesy of Circumcision Information and Resource Page (CIRP) (n.d.)

The medicine approach that emerged in the eighteenth century tended
to be preferred in constructing the origins of indigenous homologies at
the expense of all other theories. This influenced the level of individual
perceptions as they became deceived as they had a hope that is "not
based on the rediscovery of the absolute values of the visible but on
reorganisation of that reality and secret space that opened up when
a millennium observation that has been experienced through men's
suffering. The contemporary clinical approach is based on rational
discourse that is characterised by the formal and in-depth reorganisation
of ancient theories that developed it, that promoted the Aristotelian
approach. In addition, the liberal medicine approach has inherited
the operational rights of clinic that operates on the basis of a special
contract that is implied as reached between two individuals" (Focault,
1976:xv). Focault (1976:xvii) argues that the present medicine operates
on the basis of narratives that have some limitations of selected images
that are not able to reveal the possibility of its replacement, as it is shy

16 The Tara Klamp works in a similar fashion to the Plastibell Device (Drawings Courtesy
of Circumcision Information and Resource Page (CIRP)) (n.d.).

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of the disgrace of its historical origins. This exegesis tends to deny the
symbols, the actual images or any linkages with the holistic revelation
to the teachings of the objectives of the Creator concerning humans'
responsibilities in the Universe (Focault, 1976:xvii).

7.2. INDIGENOUS AFRICAN VALUE SYSTEMS

The present circumcision discourse in relations to preservation of
indigenous African culture especially for the Zulu nation require some
form of knowledge of related cultural value systems. Although various
people universally utilises this rite for different reasons, i.e. literature
reveals that there is no consensus on the rationale for their inceptions.
Since African belief system recognises the existence of a Creator God and
related basic religious observances are facilitated towards the ancestors
(Hrbek, 1992:305).

Maybe, the relevance of 'semiology' in particular when striving to learn
the manner in which objects and events acquire their meaning such
as the world-view on understanding circumcision rite in relations to
analysis of the material culture. The indigenous culture is a philosophy
that is experienced and celebrated in a particular society, for instance,
the essential meanings that pertain to the occurrence of the "circle'
and the 'curve' in the African material culture (Seda, 2000) 17 . Material
culture emerges from people's struggle against or with nature for
their survival. So, the visual understanding of the indigenous African

17 Seda, Owen S. 2000. Some reflections of the essence of the curvilinear form in Shona
material culture in Chiwome, EM, Mnguni, Z and Furusa, M (eds). Indigenous knowledge
and technology in African and diasporan communities. Harare: University of Zimbabwe.
Pp 161 - 175.

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people's natural and man-made environment, their epistemology and
worldview perspectives are linked to their critical interrogation of related
instruments and ornaments in such instance (Seda, 2000:162).

The cultural values determine the individuals' perceptions in a particular
society especially on issues such as technology and alterations to their
respective way of life (Little, 2000: 16). The first category of material
culture consists of all objects, tools and instructions that are utilised in
everyday life recreations (Seda, 2000:161). Secondly, the non material
culture that is also subdivided into two categories: cognitive culture such
as ideas, thought processes and knowledge and normative culture such
as rules, regulations and customs. For instance, the indigenous African
people's material culture manifests in the 'circle' and the 'curve' and
western 'square' and 'rectangle' above all other forms of shapes.

These forms are significant in the two relevant cultures that are observable
in the creation of the curve in the rural area and the proliferation of the
square and rectangle in the urban areas. In summary the two forms in
the two cultures can be viewed as the totem of the western material
culture is the rectangle or square in contrast to African experience is the
curve and the circle that means the egalitarian societal settings (Hrbek,
1992:107). For instance, the curvilinear perspective do not reflect
individual status in the African community and to unravel underlying
indigenous knowledge systems especially on issues that pertains to the
architecture, sculpture, food security and eating habits, leisure activities
and the performing arts (Seda, 2000:162; Hrbek, 1992: 276).

The curvilinear perspective emphasis the figurative material qualities
through usage of phrases such as 'Mother Africa' as the means to reveal
the cradle of mankind, for instance, the hut is identified with the prime
symbol of human habitat with its architectural design that has endured
the essence of its curvilinear shape over years. It reflects the notion of logic

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of communalism through its round fire place, a umuzi - homestead made
up of a cluster of several round huts and village consisted of extended
family: descendants of common ancestor with bound kinship to the land
that keep them in solidarity through a barter economic system (Hrbek,
1992: 110 & 276). The village architecture utilises natural resources that
ranged from: soil, rocks, grass and wood in keeping harmony with the
surroundings. It also used when securing labour power though means
of shared responsibility at work to secure livelihoods such as food and
water especially during harvest season (Seda, 2000:164). Thus, it is
also linked to egalitarian social settings especially in the culinary habits
that are central in food preparation using pottery that symbolises the
domestication of nature, e.g. storage of grain, fruit ripening, water and
beer (Seda 2000:165; Hrbek, 1992: 55).

For its usefulness in the recreational social formations such as music
instruments and in the socialisation process such as storytelling. The
home education that also include the mountain and rivers that prepares
young people through oral traditions on learning the use of language
creatively and effectively and encompassed spirituality, commerce,
agriculture, weather and medicine (Goduka, 2000:134 18 ; Hrbek, 1992:55;
Van Gennep, 1960:11).

18 Goduka, Ivy. 2000. Indigenous ways of knowing in Chiwome, EM, Mnguni, Z and
Furusa, M (eds). Indigenous knowledge and technology in African and diasporan
communities. Harare: University of Zimbabwe. Pp 134 -145.

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7.3 Human body: the space of contest - origin and distribution of

disease

The human body is described in accordance with natural rights as a space
that is identified with its inception and terrain, where diseases manifest in
line with established geometry and anatomical diagram (Focault, 1976:3).
Every idea in the sphere of pathology defines a configuration for the
diseases that do not belong to the spatial arrangement and that do not
tally with classical geometry. The superposition of the annals of disease
and the sick individual is a historical and present archive that enables us
to gain a better understanding space of the configuration of the disease
and the space of location of the sickness in the human body, which
have been covered up in the medical experience (Focault, 1976:3). This
organisation entails a particular response to localisation in the organism
as a secondary problem, which defines the basis or relations that include
environment, subordination, division and similitude (Focault, 1976:5).

Figure 6: Male sexual organ diagram
Source: Illustrated Penile Anatomy (2014)

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1. Figure 6 reveals a natural man's sexual organ and related parts in
its natural state without being 'raped' - as some scholars opt to
call circumcision 'the rape of the phallus': Outer surface of the
Outer Foreskin

2. Meatus

3. Gians

4. Frenulum

5. Outer surface of the Inner Foreskin

6. Ridged Frenar Band and Muccocutaneous Junction, Illustrated

Penile Anatomy (2014; Gollaher, 1994).

This space is characterised by four tendencies: a vertical tendency, a
horizontal tendency, the focus point of intervention, and a deep space
tendency. These can be described as follows: a) a vertical tendency is
characterised by the insinuation that defines a particular disease and
various related analytical steps; b) a horizontal tendency is characterised
by origins of the phenomenon that are transferred and the record of
various phases that were explored; c) focus point of intervention and
related accounts; and d) a deep space tendency is a deep space where
intentions of related views and their perpetuation in accordance with the
aspiration of the ruling cluster become encapsulated in societal structures
(Focault, 1976:5). Therefore, the present approach to dissecting disease
is perceived as basically a space of presentation without a thorough
deeper understanding of its peculiarity and the issues that surround its
development. Thus, it is recommended that:

Fie who writes the history of diseases must...observe attentively

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the clear and natural phenomena of diseases, however
uninteresting they may seem. In this he must imitate the painters
who when they paint a portrait are careful to mark the smallest
signs and natural things that are to be found on the face of the
person they are painting.lt is a space where analogy determines
the real meaning; from the similarity of diseases the rational order
of the diseases is exposed to enable a better understanding of the
natural order of their creation as in the case of plants and animals.
Focault (1976:7; Giddens, 1971:127) emphasised that:

in case of plants and animals, the action of disease is basically
precise: The Supreme Being is not subjected to less certain laws
in producing diseases or in nurturing horrific humours, than in
growing plants and animals...He who observes attentively the
order, the time, the hour at which the attack of...fever begins, the
phenomena..., in a word all the symptoms proper to it, will have as

many reasons to believe that plant constitutes a species because it
grows, flowers, and dies always in the same way.

The relevance of the botanical model becomes significant for its emphasis
on two medical thoughts: a) it encourages the revisiting of the principle
of the analogy of forms into the law of the production of real meanings;
and b) it permits the perceptual attention of medical practitioners, to
discover and relate it to the sphere of diseases. The order of diseases
is no more than a "carbon copy" of the sphere of life as diseases share
the same types of division and ordering. In addition, the rationality of
life is identical to the rationality that threatens it. In other words, their
relationship is based on their natural order that prevails in both as one
cannot superimpose one on the other (Focault, 1976:7). The disease is
characterised (recognition) by life due to the law of life (knowledge),
where disease also shares its foundations.

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7.4 Clinic and hospital intervention

In attempting to understand the current rationale behind the utilisation
of particular spatiality; i.e. the clinic and hospital as sites where medical
interventions can be tested as a strategy to fight against the HIV/AIDS
epidemic, it's worth highlighting that the present sphere of medicine
operates within the parameters that were set up by Hippocrates, who
concentrated on observation and refuted all other approaches (Focault,
1976:107). Clinical observations are able to exercise contradictory
activities; i.e. to transmit a language while observing a landscape.
Observation is the analytical framework that serves as a guide to
the formulation of insights into an issue that is being scrutinised and
characterised by:

...A logic for those meanings which, more particularly, teach their
operations and usages. In a word, it is the art of being in relation with
relevant circumstances, of receiving impressions from objects as they
are offered to us, and of deriving inductions from them that are their
correct consequences. Logic is...the basis of the art of observing, but this
art might be regarded as one of the parts of Logic whose objects are
more dependent on meanings. (Focault, 1976:109)

The contestation between clinic and experiment is the variation
between the language transmitted and, subsequently, the
acceptance or challenging or enforcing of such an equation
(Focault, 1976:109; Giddens, 1971:151). Although the observation
approach is recommended for its enabling environment, which
encourages developmental interventions, it can also be open
to manipulation, as it can be measured only in terms of the
replication of the ideals of its theorists (Focault, 1976:109). Its
analytical credibility depends on its ability to refurbish its initial
objective in its constitution, based on established structures of the

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language utilised by the social settings in a covert manner.

Clinical observation includes two major spheres, the hospital and
teaching spheres, and this is illustrated by the fact that the hospital
sphere is dictated by the rationale of the pathological reality of each
case and related social settings. The duality of illusionary strength that
has been revealed suggests that a disease can be masqueraded by
the ruling structure to achieve its desired objectives. In addition, this
approach tends to function within the limits of medical knowledge that
is determined by the frequency with which it is viewed as neutral and
prevalent in all spheres of the phenomenon. It also tends to refute the
limits set by the natural environment (Focault, 1976:109). Thus, the
clinic-hospital approach promotes the western ideals and alteration of
various landscapes, i.e. natural, demeaning and discontinuity of other
peoples' cultural value systems (Focault, 1976:110).

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8. RAMIFICATION OF
IDEOLOGIES OF SUBJECTION

T he success of the colonialist programme towards instilling the
values of subjugation over the indigenous population of Africa 19
and other parts of the world was guaranteed by the adoption of
various strategies that included the military, economic and intellectual
class. This inhuman development was characterised by the introduction
of the divide and rule principle, which manifested itself in the debates
between the conservative and progressive perspectives among the family
circles of the indigenous people (Mayer, 1980:1; Giddens, 1971:152).

This type of contest exists between the conservative school, which
is identified by its members who are not exposed and/or opposed to
the western education system, and the progressive school, which is
identified by members who have been subjected to a western education
system that advocates the acceptance of foreign value systems, such as
the abandonment or demeaning of the established ancient indigenous
value systems such as spaces of youth socialisation; i.e. initiation school

19 The corrupted version of the Alkebulan from the original name version of the
continent that means the mother of the Homo sapiens.

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(Mayer, 1980:1; Giddens, 1971:152).

It is important to consider these contending schools of taught, especially
when attempting to gain a better understanding of the present
interventions in dealing with treatment of HIV/AIDS by using the
circumcision rite. This intervention approach tends to be characterised
by two scenarios: first, it divides the affected communities and, second,
it encourages a change of attitude on the part of the previously opposed
social groupings in a particular community; for instance, in a situation
where two communities are known for their disagreement over a
particular issue, but in both communities certain individuals support the
issue in agreement with the other social group, irrespective of previous
disagreements over the newly introduced education system (Mayer,
1980:1). This became particularly visible in the manner in which the
indigenous population responded to western political and economic
domination, which can be summarised as: equal co-operation versus
exclusiveness and assimilation versus a transcended-Black/Afrocentric/
Khushite approach sometimes dubbed the Ethiopianism 1 consciousness
alternative. The consideration of the transcended Khushite approach,
sometimes dubbed the Ethiopianism consciousness approach, becomes
critical for its emphasis on dissecting the African indigenous knowledge
systems (AIKS) and the related institutions with and also moves away
from negative past experiences that relate to intellectual imperialism
(Doniger, 1999; Asante, 1991; Camic & Gross, 1998: 463; Davies,
2009:624; Nabudere, 2011:51).

These cleavages are nurtured into resistance perspectives: the first
perspective suggests that individuals resisted their integration into the
western colonisation programme dubbed civilisation and opted to cling
to their Akebulan (African) identity; the second perspective suggests
that individuals aspired to be integrated into the western value systems.
Subsequently, the alteration of indigenous cultural value systems was

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inculcated through the advocacy of Catholic and Protestant ethics, which
were transmitted via missionary schooling and later through vocational
educational systems (Mayer, 1980:2). It is also significant that these
education systems operated on the basis of a pass and failure principle
that played a negative role in dividing the population into categories
or classes; i.e. the working class (amabhinca/iziqhaza - uneducated/
acquired low level of western education) and elite (izifundiswa/
izitatanyiswa - individuals who acquired higher levels or some level of
western education) (Hexham, 1979; Mayer, 1980:2).

These cleavages tended to be exploited further by the colonialist front
as it entrenched the notorious divide and rule mandate, as both fronts
competed for their recognition by colonialist structures; i.e. chieftaincy,
Izinduna and councillor positions, and any resistance to acquire the
foreign value systems, which included the killing, co-optation or
imprisonment (on the notorious Robben Island) of traditional leadership

to extend their role and to legitimise the colonialist agenda. However,
some of the monarchies and nobles from among the indigenous African
populace that refused the forced integration to the settler colonialist
arrangements, for instance, African indigenous /traditional leader,
the mighty King Ngqika, who fearlessly and gallantly resisted western
domination, stated that:

I have given over for a little to listen to your words but now I have
done...for if I adopt your law I must surely overturn all my own and
that I shall not do (Mayer, 1980:7).

Subsequently, this colonisation resulted in the development of different
classes: the majority of poor and landless people; the elite, which
consisted of politicians, teachers, lawyers, ministers and others; and the
petty bourgeoisie, which consisted of entrepreneurs. This class system
was further entrenched by the development of different interests

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between the elite and the poor, as the elite tended to have their own
selfish interests that differed from the broader community aspirations
and the poor tended to be more interested in their social progression in
areas such as education, occupation and income (Mayer, 1980:3).

Furthermore, the once culturally homogeneous community, which
had varied on minor issues such as language and customs, started to
experience division on the basis of religion and education and later
employment status became the norm of the day. This division was
entrenched through the development of the new secular and foreign
culture, which was entrenched by rural and urban labour migratory
interrelationships (Mayer, 1980:3). The dependency tendencies were
violently inculcated to the extent that the nullification of the once-
shared understanding of guidelines on spiritual development of the
ancient Nubian faith rites. These were the formation of various religious
structures (which were much more focused on a political agenda than on
individual spiritual nourishment) and differing denominations of various
ideological strategies, i.e. Catholicism, Protestantism and Calvinism ethics
(Giddens, 1971:125). This lack of understanding of the effects of western
domination was reflected in the manner in which the educated - the
izifundiswa - 'schooled people' viewed and responded to economic and
political dependency on western colonialist structures (Ntsebeza, 2002:
232; Pewa, 1997:5). They became passive and legitimised the status
quo of "Zuid Afrika". In contrast the iziqhaza opposed the economic
and political colonisation structures, which they viewed as a source
of conflict. They aspired to liberate themselves from these barriers of
economic domination that quarantined them in the labour reserves of
the bantustans and the slave camps dubbed "townships". In summary,
this new epoch heralded a new response to the western domination by
members of the indigenous population in their various locales in Africa.
For instance, the Nguni people in the south of the African continent;
i.e. the traditional leadership of the Mfengu people, did not consider

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colonial domination as liberation or freedom. For that matter, unlike the
other Nguni monarchies, which responded differently, like the isiXhosa-
speaking Nguni people, who were guided by a royal theocratic order,
vowed to continue the resistance as long as the sun endures (Mayer,
1980:4). So, the populist struggle became the norm of the day and
continues to play out its dynamics of divide and rule principles, as people
differ when it comes to the present 1994-negotiated political settlement
in South Africa (Mayer, 1980:6). Although the majority of the indigenous
population "endorses" the "newly" found freedom through its exercise
of the highly celebrated voting franchise, but still experiences the same
old squalid social conditions that keep them close to communicable
diseases such as TB and HIV/AIDS.

The critical geography of youth perspective becomes relevant in
this instance especially since the study focussed on gaining a better
understanding of young people's perceptions in relations to their role in
particular of taking decision(s) on issues that affect them such as the rite
of passage to adulthood (James, 1990; Kraft, Horton & Tucker, 2012:12;
Ansell, Hajdu, Robson, van Blerk & Marandet, 2012: 44; Winton, 2005).
Despite of its contribution on curbing of the HIV/AIDS and revival of
indigenous African cultural value but remain highly contested.

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9. METHODOLOGY

A qualitative descriptive study was conducted in Durban's
Gugu Dlamini Park and KwaMashu Station - urban - and
Mkhumbane/Cato Manor - informal settlement - situated

within the eThekwini Municipality, estimated to be 41.5%, and Jozini and
Hluhluwe, both in the UMkhanyakude Municipality and estimated to be
39.7% - rural. These areas were decided on because they were within
areas identified as strongly affected by HIV/AIDS and areas that have
established circumcision camps (Department of Health, KwaZulu-Natal
Provincial Government, 2010b). Theoretical and purposeful sampling
was used to select participants. The participants were selected through
a non-probability sampling approach to ensure theoretical relevance of
the study and equal chances of selection of participants from among
the circumcised and uncircumcised individuals based on practical
considerations such as time and space (Eisenhardt, 2002:433). A stratified
random sampling was also utilised as the selection criteria allowed the
researchers to identify roles and relationships among participants who
were informed and critical incidents that were relevant to the topic
under study (Morse, 1994a:228; Goddard & Melville, 2005:37).

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Participants were drawn from the black African people from designated
areas regarded as having a high HIV prevalence (Department of Health
- KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Government, 2010b; Department of Health,
South Africa, 2010). The study sample was made up of male and female
participants willing to participate after they were identified by the
researcher once the gate keeping demands of the relevant communities
had been met. A non-probability sampling method was also used in
the selection of the sample, which was randomly identified in the five
areas under study. One hundred questionnaires were administered by
experienced research assistants in their mid-20s to participants who were
also fluent in the isiZulu lingua franca, aged 18 to above 40 (Department
of Health, KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Government, 2010a). Participants
had to be over the age of 18 as this was established as the legitimate age
to take decisions on the issue(s) under study. In addition, participants
were unemployed and employed members of the community prior to
the commencement of the interview.

One focus group interview was conducted by an experienced isiZulu
researcher in each area under study. Random sample selection enabled
the easy selection of the available participants at the time of the research.
Interviews were audiotaped and transcribed. In-depth interviews were
conducted until it was determined that no new themes were emerging
from the analyses of these interviews. Categories were developed in
terms of properties and dimensions. Relationships among categories
were clearly defined and validated, until a relevant theme emerged
(Straus & Corbin, 1998). All interviews were conducted in isiZulu so that
the participants would be comfortable with expressing themselves in
their vernacular language. These interviews were later translated into
English to meet the educational requirements. The questionnaires was
analysed with SPSS software using a thematic analysis approach known
as a template analysis (Ward & Bakhuis, 2010:53).

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Methodology

9.1 Data analysis

Qualitative researchers are mostly concerned with revealing knowledge
about the manner in which people understand themselves and view
the social spheres in which they find themselves rather than making
judgements concerning the validity of people's thoughts and feelings
(Thorne, 2000). It enables the researcher to generate findings from the
raw data into new knowledge and also facilitates active and analytical
processes throughout all phases of the study (Thorne, 2000). To gain a
deeper understanding of these processes it was important also to read,
understand a variety of information that required its interpretation.

The analytical approach was utilised to formulate patterns and
relationships in the data (Morse, 1994a:225). This method was helpful in
data collection; for instance, for determining the impact of various social
survival strategies on individuals in terms of meeting their daily needs
(Andrews, Nonnecke & Preece, 2003:196).

Schwandt (1997) highlights that in actual practice a good qualitative
analysis often requires access to a full range of strategies that interpret
and understand the manner of uncovering or deconstructing the
meanings of a phenomenon. It also enhances the theoretical approaches
from which the researcher projects the phenomenon, the strategies
that are used to collect or construct data, and the understandings that
relevant or significant data in answering the research question are
all analytic processes that influence data (Thorne, 2000:68). Analysis
occurs in defined steps in conceptually interpreting the data set as a
whole, using specific analytic strategies to convert raw data into a new
and logical portrayal of the issue under study (Schwandt, 1997:68).

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9.2 Content analysis

It is vital that content analysis is carried out in line with the qualitative
analysis method, especially when attempting to besystematic in describing
behaviour and posing questions such as who, what, when, where and
how within explicitly formulated systematic rules with a view to limiting
the impact of the analyst's inclination (Thorne, 2000:70). A literature
review was conducted and respondents' views examined to identify
emerging themes. A social construction viewpoint became relevant in
the attempts to discover the youths' perceptions, explanations, beliefs
and the effects of their behaviours in their surroundings. The extracts of
focus group interactions were identified with letters of the alphabet and
respondents were referred to by pseudonyms.

9.3 Constant comparative analysis

In order to explore various views from the respondents, a constant
comparative analysis, which involves taking one piece of data (i.e.
one interview, one statement, one theme) and comparing it with all
others that may be similar or different to determine possible relations
between various pieces of data, was undertaken (Glaser & Strauss,
1967). It was also vital that the qualitative research was intended to
generate knowledge about common patterns and themes within human
experience. Each new interview or account was compared until all had
been compared with each other.

Glaser and Strauss (1967) recommend that constant comparison analysis
isused instudiesthatexplore human phenomenaforwhichtheresearcher
assumes that fundamental social processes explain something of human
behaviour and experience, such as stages of grieving or processes

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Methodology

of recovery. Additionally, this analytical strategy helps in creating
knowledge that is more normally descriptive or interpretive, such the
impact of circumcision, as a mechanism for coping with challenges faced
by the Zulu and Sotho people in the post-apartheid era.

9.4 Quality measures in qualitative analysis

In order to ensure reliability, validity and relevance of the study,
systematic, rigorous and auditable analytical processes are applied to
distinguish a well-done study from poor quality research (Thorne, 2000).

Researchers articulate findings in such a manner that the logical
processes by which they are developed are accessible to a critical reader,
the relation between the actual data and the conclusions about data
is clearly elaborated, and the claims made in relation to the data set
are rendered credible and believable. Through this short description
of analytical approaches, readers are in a better position to evaluate
individual qualitative studies critically and decide whether and when
to apply the findings of such studies to their respective daily practices
(Thorne, 2000).

9.5 Ethical considerations

In order secure the success of this project, it was required to give
sufficient respect to the relevant social structures such as traditional
leadership (i.e. elders and chiefs) since traditional leaders are known to
be the bearers of the IKS, especially when it comes to issues such as
circumcision, perceptions of which were studied in the research project

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(Mthembu, 2008).

Respondents and organisations that participated in the study were
familiarised with the purpose of the study and given the option to
participate or not, prior to the commencement of the research. Standard
ethical codes (options to answer or refuse to answer any question that
they did not feel comfortable with) were highlighted and observed
during the interviews. Participants were asked to fill out a section on the
questionnaires their willingness to participate voluntarily and to remain
anonymous if they so chose.

9.6 Envisaged limitations

It was expected that some of the participants - female and male - were
going to be shy or unwilling to take part in the study, as issues pertaining
to circumcision are personal issues that are not normally shared with
anyone except in cases where all participants have gone through the
same ritual. Additionally, it was envisaged that those participants who
followed traditional ways would participate with caution by offering
limited information. Participants were informed prior to the interview
that the study did not intend to divulge any inside information but aimed
to get a general view on circumcision since being linked to HIV/AIDS
made it a public issue.

The study was approved for the protection of human subjects by
the research ethics committee at the University of KwaZulu-Natal.
Informed and written consent was obtained from the participants prior
commencement of interviews."

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10. RESEARCH FINDINGS

10.1 Profiles of area(s) under study

The areas that this study focused on were within eThekwini - Durban,
Mkhumbane - Cato Manor and KwaMashu townships, which are
occupied by the same indigenous populace that had been forcefully
shifted and moved around by the colonialist fronts in pursuit of
capitalist-oriented agenda. The Gugu Dlamini Park became a relevant
site for conducting a study of youth perceptions in relation to the revival
of circumcision as a strategy for combating the HIV/AIDS pandemic and
as part of cultural preservation, especially for the Zulu nation. Although
statistics based on a male study conducted in Durban in 2007 revealed
that HIV was prevalent among men with penile challenges 14 days after
they underwent treatment for a sexually transmitted infection (STI),
irrespective of their circumcision status (World Health Organization &
Joint United Nations Programme, 2007:14), debates today still focus on
finding a solution to the pandemic.

Although the eThekwini Municipality has other townships, the
KwaMashu Township was identified for its historical significance, as one

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of the townships that have strong ties with the Zulu culture as most of its
residents share the same Zulu language (Mafeje, 1991:17). Additionally,
KwaMashu Township, which can be considered as an emerging town
and is also known for being among the first and oldest black African
townships in the province, and UMkhanyakude District also share their
historical background and form part of the same socio-cultural entity of
the Nguni people (Mafeje, 2005:40) Additionally, this site was selected
for its relevance to this study as KwaMashu Station also accommodates
the majority of individuals who still have good links between the rural-
urban experiences that were expected to enrich this study, especially
regarding the practice of the circumcision rite.

One of the negative effects of the stigma associated with HIV/AIDS was
the violent event in which Ms Gugu Dlamini lost her life for revealing her
status to the media. As one of the "earlier" advocates to divulge their
individual status on HIV she was later stoned to death for such act. So, on
the World AIDS Day of 1 December 2000, Durban Municipality honoured
Ms Dlamini by renaming Central Park, situated on the roof garden of the
workshop shopping complex car park, as Gugu Dlamini Park (Coombes,
2003:112; Mthethwa, 2009). This site is relevant and continues to play
a role in social structures as it acts as the rendezvous for most urban
youth in the surroundings of Durban and the Municipality still pays much
attention to it as the area is highly infested with criminal activities such
as mugging and rape (Mthethwa, 2009). With this in mind the research
project used the above sites as places to interview young people to
establish their perceptions of the current revival of circumcision in
relation to cultural preservation and treatment for STIs in KwaZulu-
Natal. The results of the study were intended to assist social developers,
health practitioners and researchers with information that would help
to formulate a relevant strategy in dealing with the HIV pandemic in
building a safer and healthier society in the country and the world in
general.

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Research findings

10.2 Theories of circumcision

The findings revealed that although there is a general acceptance
and use of MMC, there is a general view that it does not form part of
the traditional practice based on its application, as it is carried out in
clinics and hospitals. Some of the participants felt that irrespective
of their status of circumcision they were still vulnerable to the HIV/
AIDS pandemic. A variety of theories that emerged from participants
interviews that pertain to the rationale for inceptions of the circumcision
rite of which were explored are presented in Table 1 in a thematic format:
on the knowledge about circumcision practice, its revival within the Zulu
culture, eradication of sexually transmitted diseases, state of acceptance
of the present MMC practice, knowledge about ancient circumcision
practices, preferred circumcision practice between the present and the
past, its role in eradicating diseases and post-circumcision experience.

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Table 1: Tlieories of the revival of circumcision practice

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-1 support it because it is safe. |

circumcised you can still get
it.

-1 don't have a guarantee of
its effectiveness in
eradicating sexually
transmitted diseases.

-It does not eradicate
infections but it protects you
from getting infected.

-If you have a disease it does
not heal it but if you don't
have a disease, it protects
you from being infected.

-No, it does not heal but it
reduces the chances of

getting infected with

diseases.

-Yes, if you maintain the

ancient ways of engaging in

sexual practice, especially

when it comes to

"ukusoma/ukuh lobong a" to

ensure safety.

-No, it does not heal but it

reduces chances of infection

spreading the level of sexual

disease.

-Yes, 1 like the present method

as it helps we should not rely on
it; we should assist it with using
protection measures such as
condoms.

-Yes, because from what 1 know,
the Departments of Health and
Education will not promote this if
it is not helpful.

-Yes, it does because many
educational projects emphasise
the importance of circumcision
and they also included the
eradication of the pandemic.

-Yes, because doctors are trained
to do it.

-Yes, 1 can't say 1 have
experienced it but it's something

1 heard about.

-Yes, because you can have
sexual intercourse and not get
infected easily while you have
not inserted a condom.

-Yes, because the cutting off of
the foreskin prevents the
infection of diseases.

-Yes, the old practice -

how.

-Yes, once the foreskin has
been removed, it is not easy for
diseases and dirt to stay on the
penis.

Yes, it prevents in a way that
you can wash away
immediately after sexual
intercourse.

-Yes from what people have
been saying.

-Yes, because before 1 was
circumcised 1 got infection of
sores but after being
circumcised 1 never got any
infections since then.

-Yes, because before 1 was
circumcised 1 was told that
once you are circumcised you
have fewer chances of getting
infected with STDs.

-No, it does not protect against
HIV as you get infected.

-Yes, it helps because it is

-Yes, because 1 have seen some
of the people who went
through circumcision safely.

-Yes, because after the removal
of the foreskin, there is less
chance of getting infectious
diseases.

-No, because you can be
circumcised but you can still
get infected by HIV if you don't
have a protective device.

-No, it does not stop it but it
reduces chances of
transmission of sex-related
diseases.

-We believe that but we do not

have assurance that it's safe.

-No, there is no such thing as

HIV eradication.

-Yes, because when you are
circumcised it's not easy to be
infected with diseases.

-Yes, it happens in

-1 don't believe because

I'm not circumcised yet.

-Yes, 1 never heard that
there is death that
resulted from the present
circumcision practice.

-Yes, because our
children have sex while
they are a tender age.

-1 don't know maybe the
circumcision can answer

for itself.

-It's helpful but there are
other diseases that are
made deliberate and are
guarded by circumcision.

-1 don't believe that
because people still get
infected and 1 never

heard a circumcised
person saying he does
not get diseases.

-Circumcision reduces
infectious sexual diseases
such as drop and other
related diseases but not
HIV/AIDS.

-No, because it does not
get rid of it but it reduces
it and this does not mean
when you are circumcised
you don't get infected.

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Research findings

Although this study was not intended to look into the indigenous
African socialisation processes the findings of the study compelled the
researcher to consider commenting on these processes, particularly
when dissecting the revival of the indigenous cultural practices.
These practices cannot be clearly understood without linking them
with ancient Africa in general, especially the male circumcision rite
that formed the backbone of the indigenous schooling system. It also
facilitated the scope of understanding the circumcision rite beyond the
limits of inculcating identified societal values, as it revealed that it can be
linked to emancipation or to a better state of the individual or a group
of people from a low societal position to a higher position/category.
For instance, in ancient Africa, some members of the Nguni people; i.e.
IsiXhosa and Sotho-speaking people, used the circumcision rite as a sign
that is used to indicate that a lad or young maiden had been promoted
to a position of responsibility and was no longer regarded as a child that
solely depended on their parents for their survival.

10.3 Emergent themes

This survey, conducted in five different locations, helped to reveal
the level and what they thought of the revival of the circumcision rite
known to be among the artefacts utilised in the socialisation of African
youth as a passage to adulthood (Mthembu, 2011:57). It also helped
to ascertain the participants' variation or commonalties in particular in
their understanding of the in relation to what was under study. Findings
confirmed what is normally cited in sociology literature as they revealed
that the majority of participants tended to appeal to consumerism and
confirmed the impression that "things do not seem to be the way they
are presented" (Macionis & Plummer, 2005:12). This became evident
during various sessions of the investigation, as the themes outlined

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Male Circumcision Rites Versus Zulu Culture

below emerged.

Interviews conducted at Gugu Dlamini Park tended to develop to a
common theme of gender relations in relation to the contemporary
contradictory social sphere, as participants, who consisted of males and
females, revealed their different gender-related status. This became
evident in the manner in which the participants responded to various
questions. For instance, although the participants knew each other (by
virtue of their resting/sitting together when they were approached by
the researcher to participate in the study), it was observable during the
interview that female participants tended to be shy and males showed
confidence in expressing their views, especially when it came to the
reality of the argument that advocates this scenario. Again the findings
revealed the respect of participants for community customs regarding
the enforcement of circumcision. The attempt to verify such claims from
male participants revealed that they differed in this regard; however,
female participants tended to behave in the respectful manner normally
shown by married women towards men. The participants emphasised
that:

"...the culture emphasises that the circumcised male is not to share
a table or meat in the kraal 20 with the uncircumcised male using
the same utensil, as the uncircumcised is regarded as unclean
and a boy,...circumcised males perform better during the sexual
intercourse...even women cannot marry uncircumcised men for
fear of being ridiculed by other community members." 21

This suggested that the individual determined when and where they

20 The space that is culturally considered as sacred.

21 Gugu Dlamini Park focus group interview - 28 June 2012.

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Research findings

abandoned and/or used their different positions when they were in
African or western cultural social settings.

In the focus interview conducted in the second location, a labour
migratory pattern was clearly visible. While the study was not particularly
concerned with the participants' background, the interview process led
the participants to reveal their background as they were attempting to
illustrate their various experiences of the circumcision rite. This was
illustrated by participants who highlighted their different origins, as they
noted that: "...The newly adopted circumcision approach in KwaZulu-
Natal Province tended to be foreign but our village in former Transkei
experience, an 'inkwenkwe' - young man - when he reaches a certain
stage in life, he is sent into the bush to be circumcised to became a
respected man in the village..." 22

In the third phase, the findings revealed cultural alteration; i.e. the
abandonment of the once-cherished notion of mfowethu and anti¬
violence. For example a competition between United Democratic
Movement (UDM) and Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) tended to resembled
the pre 1994 Third force - apartheid regime's total political onslaught
that advocated divide and rule strategy via tribalism. This type of
attitude emerged during the initial steps taken in preparation for the
interview appointment with the relevant participants. The process was
left half completed as the relevant participant suffered a fatal shooting.
In response the researcher immediately changed the location from the
KwaMashu hostel to the KwaMashu commuters' hub to complete the
study in the area. This type of development in this location tended to
confirm what has been highlighted in the literature, as it revealed that
the people who once honoured their collectivism as members of the
same family had become enemies through new political structures that

22 Mkhumbane focus group interview - 23 July 2012.

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Male Circumcision Rites Versus Zulu Culture

emphasised the "spirit of comradeship", which depended on the power
of the gun. The political philosophy was based on the shifting sand
principle, as its advocates can be regarded as believing that: "today's
friends are tomorrow's enemies".

In the fourth phase a theme of religion emerged, as the participants in
the focus group and in-depth interviews tended to link circumcision with
the indigenous faith oriented institutions such as the 'Shembe' Church.
For instance, one participant highlighted that:

"When one speaks of circumcision practice in KwaZulu, one should
be aware of the fact that such practice was abandoned long time
ago by King Shaka. So, the ... church revived it..." 23

In addition, although the participants concurred with the focus group
assertion that the ancient practice of circumcision in KwaZulu-Natal had
been abandoned, they tended to emphasise the limitations of the church-
oriented practices. For instance, the participants highlighted the fact that:

"...The church members in particular those who are circumcised in
the church defined the manner but what is the disturbing about
their practice is that they tend to undermine those who are not
circumcised; that is why in some instances, in the case where an
uncircumcised offers food to the circumcised he will normally
refuse to share his ration and will opt to starve instead of eating
together with the uncircumcised. Normally, they refer to those
who are circumcised as the 'inhlalisuthi'- the ever full that does
not need food." 24

23 Hluhluwe focus group interview - 13 April 2013.

24 Hluhluwe in-depth interview - 18 May 2013.

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Research findings

Finally, in the fifth location the undeclared underlying historical
developments and regional leadership roles emerged as a theme during
the focus group and in-depth interviews. Findings revealed that although
participants accepted the continuance of the present MMC practice,
they also highlighted its social limitation and in some cases did not
agree with the procedure per se. They acknowledged that although this
present procedure is highly publicised, certain issues were associated
with it such as death or deformation of the patient's private parts due
to mis-happenings in the procedure. They also confirmed some of the
issues highlighted in the literature such as the usage of bull whisk as part
of circumcision practice in other localities. This became clear when some
of the participants in the focus group interview tended to reflect their
village or location experiences; for instance:

"...In our village, boys when they herd cattle use a string from the

bull whisk to circumcise - ukuqhatha ..." 25

In relation to their participation in the decision to continue the present
circumcision rite, participants highlighted that:

"Though we see that the present circumcision practice is not
contributing to the revival of the Zulu culture but there is nothing
we can do, as it is taking place; it will continue ..." 26

In summary, the findings revealed the difference between the currently
used MMC in KwaZulu-Natal and the indigenous circumcision practice,
as the present approach tends to operate within the clinic and hospital
environment and is overseen by western trained medical doctors who

25 Jozini focus group interview - 13 September 2013.

26 Jozini informal discussion - 13 September 2013.

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Male Circumcision Rites Versus Zulu Culture

operate in terms of medical values that espouse rationality over the
reality of nature and societal values that are transmitted through social
structures such as the media. In contrast the indigenous circumcision
approach tends to operate by emphasising the importance of natural
settings such as the mountain or bush where temporary shelters are
erected as the space for conducting the ritual and where societal values
are transmitted under the watchful eye of the Elders and traditional
healers. In addition, observable differences between the two approaches
are the manner in which the ritual is conducted and the values associated
with it. For instance, the indigenous approach is performed in the
absence of females and has designated sacred spaces while the western-
based approach tends to be performed in the open and in the presence
of females and as can be witnessed in the publication of individual parts
to justify its performances.

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11. DISCUSSIONS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS

T he pervasive threat of communicable diseases to the maintaining
of a healthy life has led to the adoption of various defensive and
offensive strategic interventions by different stakeholders for

generations. Each generational intervention is informed by the prevailing
social value systems; for instance, prior to the emergence of Protestant
ideals in ancient Monomotapa Empire, royal theocratic high moral virtues
ruled the social landscape (Hrbek, 1992:281 & 303). For example, the
circumcision rite was performed and also used as a seal of the covenant
between the individual and the nation with their Creator/ Nkulunkulu.
So, likewise, our generation is also caught up in the same experience of
a threat posed by an outbreak of infectious disease (i.e. HIV/AIDS) and
the accompanying need to formulate a relevant and effective response
to this threat.

Since the South African contemporary social landscape remains
caught up in the cycle of dissecting strategies that may be relevant in
curbing or eradicating HIV/AIDS and related diseases, the circumcision
rite has become one of the strategies that has been taught as viable.
It is important to highlight that this exercise of formulating a relevant

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Male Circumcision Rites Versus Zulu Culture

intervention coincided with the continuous social changes in the country
as South Africa abandoned the apartheid social policy. The apartheid
policy was characterised by the entrenchment of racial segregation
and the supremacy of white minority ideals over the indigenous
value systems of the black African majority, which were regarded as
inferior. The apartheid system operated under the tutelage of western
democratic value systems that were characterised by the sustenance of
the pillars of colonialism, as the indigenous people were and still are
trapped in the euphoria of an employment mentality that keeps them
as a cheap commodity available for exploitation anytime and anywhere
and remain landless in their own country. The Mandelism age offered
various social agencies opportunities to realise their aspirations through
interventions such as the revival of indigenous cultural practices
previously deliberately undermined or forced to be abandoned at the
hands of the previous minority regime (Magema, 1998:57; KwaZulu-
Natal Legislature Speeches, 2011).

Various strategies for the revival of IKS were proclaimed, such as private-
public partnerships (PPPs) and IKS policies; e.g. Section 185 of the South
African Constitution, which emphasises the promotion and protection
of the rights of cultural, religious and linguistic communities. These
strategies enabled various stakeholders - government, traditional
leadership and donor agencies - to formulate related programmes.
Thus, the government authorities of the KwaZulu-Natal Province in
conjunction with the monarchy of the Zulu nation and US government
agencies adopted a cultural revival route while curbing threats of
HIV/AIDS pandemic through the use of the previously abandoned
circumcision rite. The tripartite intervention approach contains two vital
aspects in its 'promise': the revival of the Zulu nation's cultural values
(the circumcision rite) and the fighting of a communicable disease (HIV/
AIDS). This study attempted to gain individual and group perceptions and
understandings of the feasibility of such objectives.

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Discussion and recommendations

In attempting to ascertain the practicability of the use of the male
circumcision rite as a means of curbing the spread of HIV/AIDS, it is vital
to consider findings from related studies relevant to policy formulation.
Lagarde et al (2003:94) emphasised that:

Our results suggest that the perception of safety is the principal
issue in implementing a prevention method based on MC [male
circumcision], A false sense of security accompanies circumcision;
in view of the findings that a significant proportion of men and an
even higher proportion of circumcised men said that circumcised
men can safely have sex with many women. Even more worrisome,
circumcised men were more likely to report a high number of
lifetime partners. This indicates that this feeling of security is
transformed into dangerous practices.

Although male circumcision rite is among the options that have been
considered to be on the rise throughout the world, in North America
and Africa especially, a number of studies have revealed that this revival
is undertaken through foreign ideals and without consultation with
relevant populace in this regard (Richter & Panday, 2006). For example, in
South Africa various clinics in this regard have been opened and are said
to be doing 'tremendous' work, despite the 'deliberate' non inclusion
of the bearers of the indigenous African values , i.e. Elders, ikhankatha
and Izinyanga in the present revived ritual. Again, according to the
findings of this study in KwaZulu-Natal and related literature revealed
that the reality shows that the highly publicised 'revived ritual' suggest a
continuation of North American and Eurocentric practices, as there are
no accompanying ceremonies during pre and post school and no sacred
space(s), i.e. kraal and iphempe. These limitations suggest that what is
really happening at present is nothing more than the continuation of the
consolidation of the same colonialist liberalist agenda of inferiorisation
and mocking of Cushite value systems (Barry, 2001).

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Male Circumcision Rites Versus Zulu Culture

Despite the unsurpassed historical scientific evidence on effectiveness
of indigenous African chemistry - the muthi formulas and surgical
professionalism that have been used over years and still practiced today
in conducting such as Initiation Schools in the pre and post industrial era
in the region. A comparison between circumcised and non- circumcise
men argue that there are low chances of possible HIV/AIDS infections
among circumcised. But such debates remain lack supporting proof as it
also suggests that the TMC is not relevant case in this instance (cf. Nkosi,
2005; cf. Naidoo, Dawood, Driver, Narainsamy, Ndlovu & Ndlovu, 2012).
The TMC practices in various regions in the continent of Africa are linked
to the continuation of ancient cultural values system of their community.
The MMC approach is based on the idea of using the circumcision rite
as the remedy against HIV/AIDS experience. Data shows that there are
equal chances of getting infection without necessary precaution.

Differing views on the usage of circumcision rite as the antidote to curb
the scourge of communicable diseases in this country (Barry, 2001).
MMC and TMC approaches should be understood for their purposes,
i.e. hegemony and legacy of indigenous African cultural values system
respectively.Both forms of culture should be reviewed to ascertain their
relevance at this time, by always ensuring practices that are certain to
save lives as opposed to endangering lives. Such practices must also
be sensitive to the poor economic conditions of an already vulnerable
people and not view circumcision and its related aspects as a money¬
making industry as is indicated in the following thoughts (Daneel, 1998):

The primary concerns of those who are hesitant to implement MC
as an HIV prevention strategy in sub-Saharan Africa are likely to
be, first, the possibility that MC will detract from other proven
HIV prevention interventions and will lead to circumcised men
increasing their HIV risk behaviours (i.e., behavioural disinhibition)
and, second, feasibility of providing safe, affordable MC services in

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resource-poor settings (Bailey & Egesah, 2006:1).

Consequently, such negative development were experienced during the
fieldwork of this investigation in Kwa Mashu hostel, as the experiences
relate to limitation(s) brought by the MMC when it comes to inculcating
the highly celebrated western oriented comradeship spirit that is
notorious for its destruction of the indigenous African cultural value
systems and lack of respect of the preservation of the once cherished
respect of human life and the guidance from the Elderly people of which
were and still part and parcel of communal way of life even today (Focault,
1976:5). This confirms the fact that the newly constructed spaces tend to
undermine the well-established indigenous African value systems such
as 'no killing of your fellow brother because tomorrow you will need
him to help you' or 'there is no place to dump the naughty individual',
which were illustrated in stick fighting activity. In stick fighting, a man
was allowed to beat his opponent but not to kill him. When blood was
visible one was expected to wipe it off his opponent as a sign of peace
and brotherhood trustworthiness.

The findings of this study suggest that religious structures such as the
church tend to be caught up with village attitudes, particularly when it
comes to the enforcement of community customs. Perhaps one can argue
that the present church institutions seem to be limited when it comes to
the interpretation of the parables in the Bible, which they use as their
guide in this instance. For example, the Bible states that "the Most High
God-Jehovah will punish both the circumcised and the uncircumcised..."
(Jeremiah 9:25-26). This is illustrated by the contradiction in the manner
in which they relate to individual treatment and the relevance of
circumcision in this era.

Perhaps, social agencies should consider using strategies that avoid
interference with healthy human organ as such act contradicts the

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ethical code of no harm to participant and also bias against males. Males
are made to be solely responsible for spreading infectious diseases in
that only they are subjected to circumcision while female circumcision
is not even spoken about in this context. The government and related
stakeholders need to be realistic when it comes to the human rights
abuse by the authorities, as they tend to ignore other related facts such
as the access to basic services can lead to spread of sexual infectious
diseases (KwaZulu-Natal Legislature Speeches, 2011). It was established
that the majority of the participants do not have means of securing
their daily livelihoods, as they highlighted that they do not have
access to land usage, water and shelter to sustain their healthy living
that is free from threats of deadly diseases (Richter & Panday, 2006;
Hrbek, 1992:55). Perhaps, the consideration of a linear development
approaches especially when formulating strategies that are intended
for guaranteeing a secured healthy life against dreadful diseases such as
HIV/AIDS and should avoid usage of the present life threatening MMC
ritual (Welsing, 1991; Manzo, 1991). Despite TMC and MMC approaches
varying mandates but they have common traits such, i.e. the interference
with male organ, inculcating society values and a limited scrutiny by its
advocates and practitioners. Despite the 'high' standard of the Initiation
School in performance of the TMC but its traditional medical practitioners
(TMPs) tend to be limited in consideration of its relevance in this age. For
instance, the present MMC culture revival oriented approach tends to
ignore the ancient Zulu custom of respect the directive of the Elders,
i.e. the following proverb emphasises: Indlela ibuzwa kwabaphambili.
Likewise the preceding Zulu monarch ordered its abandonment of
which King Shaka complied (Magema, 1998; KwaZulu-Natal Legislature
Speeches, 2011; Mthembu, 2006 & 2009).

This tends to suggest that traditional leaders are alienated from their
historical development and the related policies of their predecessors.
In addition, this suggests that the Zulu nation's revival of circumcision

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tends to be the antithesis of King Ngqika's proclamation against western
domination and stated that:

I have given over for a little to listen to your words but now I have
done...for if I adopt your law I must surely overturn all my own and
that I shall not do (Mayer, 1980:7).

In addition, the focus group tended to confirm the submissions from
some of the literature reviewed about the ancient African forms of
circumcision and the formation of the Zulu nation in the region (Magema,
1998; Nkosi, 2005:32; Abdi, 1999:150; Soudien, 2012:98), as the focus
group members highlighted some of their reservations about defining
the present circumcision practice and also cited the usually acclaimed
"King Shaka's abandonment of the circumcision practice". They also
emphasised that:

"...What is practised today is no longer what used to be defined
as culture because of the food that we eat, the lack of organic
food and the youth behavioural patterns have changed, which has
been fundamental in spreading of diseases. For instance, young
people were taught to perform 'ukuhlobonga', which played a
major role in the avoidance of unnecessary pregnancy amongst
the youth..." 27

Mthembu (2006:11) emphasises the significance of being a herd boy, as

he highlights that:

Ukwelusa is more than just herding the cattle. There are so many
things that you learn out there. It is a form of education and the
hardship that you come across while you are out there in the veld

27 Jozini Focus group interview: 13 September 2013.

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prepares you and makes you strong, prepares you for manhood.

However, without stressing much that the present 'Zulu circumcision
rite' that is linked to MMC approach, it was established that though it
managed to raise some debates surrounding this ritual that has been
seen as something for the few insiders but it does not meet indigenous
African value standards that qualifies it to be regarded as the Zulu nation
ritual. Beside that it is also viewed in some social spheres as nothing
different than the implementation of the ancient oppressive ritual
strategies such as blood sacrifice of the phallus and slave mark (Mayer,
1980:1; Pewa, 1997). Although there are other Nguni monarchies but
the present government structures ignore them and deal with the
Zulu monarchy that is clearly illustrated in the partial regional name,
i.e. 'KwaZulu-Natal'. This suggests the romanticising of the western
colonialism consolidation and repackaging of divide and rule ethos, as
the study revealed that:

"It worth noting the manner in which the prevailing government
recognises the monarchy of the Zulu clan over other monarchies
of other clans that have their own ways of circumcision; what is
publicised by government structures is the manner of the Zulu
monarchy, which remains challenged to some extent by various
monarchies but not to the extent it deserves...(Magema, 1982;
Motshekga, 2007)." 2S

There is a need for awareness when dealing with indigenous African value
systems in the region, as there are other monarchies that continued the
circumcision rite until today when the Zulu 'clan' abandoned it (KwaZulu-
Natal Legislature Speeches, 2011).The significance of consideration
that goes beyond the romanticised historical European invasion that

28 In-depth interview - 27 September 2013

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Discussion and recommendations

relates to the establishment of the Zululand and subsequent renaming
of Mbiremusha port of eThekwini to Natal and the surrounding areas.
Although this study was not intended to scrutinise the TMC practices in
the region/ country but due to widely publicised disturbing news that
contribute towards false presentation of indigenous African cultural
values in the electronic media that could not be ignored especially when
attempting to gain a better understanding of related youth perceptions.
Media form part of the programmes that advocates the idea to the
youth that the present TMC practices are not 'scientifically' capable of
curbing health hazard diseases, i.e. HIV/AIDS as the means to justify the
introduction of MMC in other places such as Gauteng Province (KwaZulu-
Natal Legislature Speeches, 2011; Mthembu, 2006 & 2009).

Again the lack of clear academic syllabus in both methods and
observable features suggests that they are limited on inculcating African
values systems tutorials, i.e. umuzi and subsistence farming related
responsibilities. They are also performed within capitalist defined time,
e.g. any day and during public holidays to ensure the availability of the
proletarised individuals to sell their labour power. It was established also
that the TMC form part of the syllabus that is rendered in the Initiation
School, as the initiates are tutored in various skills that included
ukuzithopha - declaration that are presented on the re-entering the
community and general indigenous African value systems. But the
'silence' of the TMC graduates and their continuous selling of their labour
power to the present deadly and vicious capitalists economic system
seems to suggest that the present Initiation schooling system need some
form of review especially its syllabus in particular in the present era of
repackaged racist values and promotion of neo-colonialism programme.
Whilst the 'insiders' feelings were part of the discipline of knowledge
concealment that was confirmed during the investigation, especially
when they refused to answer certain questions or participation in
related questions but it tended to create a 'special club', that seems to

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have a 'limited' circular mandate that keeps status quo alive with no
critical concerned with the true essence of transition from childhood to
responsible adult status for young people, e.g. from colonialism to self
determination. It was established that despite various curriculums in the
present circumcision practices, Nguni people such as the amaXhosa and
abeSuthu circumcision practice have a common historical background of
inception; clinic approach is agency driven (Nkosi, 2005:32). According
to the initiation school view suggests that circumcision marks the
transitions of young people/ rite of passage to adulthood accompanied
by related ceremonies and inheritance of certain rights or privileges
such as the land (Shipman, 1975:37; Magema, 1982:28). The clinic
linked consumerism culture tended to be more focussed on the increase
of participating initiates in quantity. The Initiation School remain under
the Elders Council and the clinic approach remains dictated by the
foreign donor ambitions. Despite the Elders' and indigenous leadership
institution a privilege of calling the Initiation School session and general
safeguarding the future survival of the community but they seems to be
clandestinely enjoying the 'mediator' status, as are part of the payroll
of the foreign imposed liberal democratic state and promotes its values
such as English language instead of using their lingua franca." The world
indigenous leadership institutions in particular Nubians/Africans need to
transcend their present celebrated 'mediator status' between the profit
driven and greedy barons and landless black African people because
such stance undermines the revival of indigenous African value systems.

The study highlighted that the envisaged decolonisation of Africa in
the present liberal democratic era remain contested, as some quarters
suggests that the present social policies in the country are limited on the
teachings when it comes to the ancient African monophyte guidelines, a
ubuntu principles that advocate the superiority of truth and right over
lies and deceit and humanly manifestation of uNkulunkulu- uJahovah in
particular when dealing with socialisation of young people in general.

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Other section advance the consumer oriented leanings that encourage
use of condom and abandonment of indigenous African values systems,
i.e. ukusoma method and ukuqhatha rite.The present development
tends to confirm that:

Social lives through social levels and social dimensions sociologically
cultures and theories display new meanings for social uses..., some
of which are "natural" and others "social"...western civilization has
split apart spiritual institutions from political and state institutions
- the secularization process. Thus, suggests that people both the
marginalised and the elite, have learned to think of the material
world and the spiritual world as two separate worlds (Mthembu,
2011:57).

This consumer oriented socialisation process alienates young people from
the realities of basic tempo of life including knowledge of themselves
in relations to land, meeting daily livelihoods and the encompassing
natural environment. Various sessions revealed that most of participants
asserted their ignorance of the idea of initiation school in favour of
the 'easy and quick' MMC. They lack knowledge on indigenous African
Initiation school based rite and ubuntu ideal, a citadel of truth and right
in return emphasise: it takes a village to grow a child, a respect of Elders
to guarantee long life and that two wrongs cannot make one right, one
cannot use condoms and circumcision at the same time and expect good
individual manners.

The hegemony of liberal democracy disparity promotes western based
secular values that are characterised by undermining of indigenous African
value systems. The majority of participants and related stakeholders
were limited in linking TMC with indigenous African leadership novelty in
particular when it comes to understanding related mystic and dynamics.
Although they recognised the Bible but their views suggested some

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limitations when it comes to understanding and decoding of AIKS values,
such as parable(s) that encourages an individual high moral order such
as the circumcision of the heart in curbing health threatening diseases
such HIV/AIDS and TB (Galatians 5:6; Colossians 2:11; WHO & UNAIDS,
2007:3).Their various experiences lacked knowledge of the origins of
such rite, for instance, the related binding significance -praxis and nexus
such as the 'King of Kings principle', in the embodiment of His Imperial
Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I 29 , the Conquering Lion of the tribe of
Judah, the Lord of Lords and the King of the Universe..., as per celestial
prophetic revelation (see Revelation 5; Motshekga, 2007). The leadership
heights that emphasise the guidance from the Most High - uNkulunkulu,
the fulfilment of relevant prophecies in particular time and equality of
all mankind irrespective of belief and without regard of colour of human
eyes or skin in the Universe.

The findings revealed that the present MMC practice further undermines
the indigenous value systems that regard sexual intercourse as a sacred
exercise only permitted to individuals who have reached a certain stage
in life identified by ceremonies associated with the rite of passage to
adulthood. According to indigenous values, young people who have not
exhausted these social levels are expected to abstain from participating
in sexual intercourse that leads to pregnancy and instead practise what
is known as ukusoma. This approach prevented young people from being
exposed to communicable diseases such as gonorrhoea and assisted in
avoiding early parenting and the bearing of children by young individuals
who were not yet ready for related procreation and family responsibilities.
The findings tend to confirm what Tyrell (1983) has highlighted, that:

In western society the young person faces an uncomfortable

29 The father of the ‘former’ Organisation for African Unity (OAU), the predecessor of
the present African Union (AU).

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growing-up time. The passage from childhood to maturity often
entails a protracted series of encounters between older and
younger generations, with the younger fighting for a recognition
not easily accorded them by the older. By contrast, initiations in
African society are easier on the different age groups, providing
a clear set of rules dictating behaviour towards one another.
The prospective initiate is removed from society to undergo
experiences which separate him or her from society at large, as
previously perceived. However, this procedure effectively binds
the initiate into a specific social group and it is as a member of
this group that he or she is not only welcomed back into society,
but given an acceptable mode of self-expression and anticipation.

The twofold preventative approach encourages the application of MMC
and condom simultaneously has been viewed differently by young
people: the additional socialisation strategy that operates within the
consumerism sphere and acts as the additive to pleasure attainment. It
simply meant another 'progressive' development against communicable
diseases. The continuous usage of condom despite performance of such
rite as an extra protective against possible infection of communicable
disease(s), challenge the well publicised media claim that suggest that
it reduces any future possible infection(s). Although some young people
participate in this rite but its operations suggest that it functions outside
the scope of bona fide medicine that respects the no harm to participant
ethos (Momoti, 2002:17; Hexham, 1979). Such disrespect confirms the
idea that it contributes to mutilations of the individual's private parts
that is defined in other communities as the rape of the phallus. It was
also revealed that participants were less critical of media advertisement
argument, i.e. it helps initiates toward satisfaction of their partners and
cultural revival. Nevertheless, it will be significant to further investigate
such media assertion to avoid the spreading of ambiguous ideas that
tantamount to what can be summarised as the revival of ancient

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pagan oriented blood offering rite (Doyle, 2005). Perhaps, suspensions
of all forms circumcision rituals in general can positively contribute in
advancing the war against all forms of rape, that United Nation defined
it as the violence against humanity. The observation of media promotion
the popular cultural values such as the revival of the indigenous African
culture during the study, as some of the participants' views on the
rationale for their participating in the MMC, echoed same publicised
media reports. La Hausse (1984:36) stresses that: Working class culture
is the form in which labour reproduced...reproduction...is always a
contested transformation, working class culture is formed in the struggle
between capital's demand for particular forms of labour power and the
search for secure location within this relation of dependency.

Observable views and images undermine the relevance of indigenous
African values, i.e. the respect of the essence of Initiation School rites
and related ceremonies in the socialisation of young people according
to their related steps towards exposure to various levels of programmes
that equip them with liberating practical life skills.

A homological critical review suggests the present revival of circumcision
rite have limited benefits as it undermines the indigenous medical
practitioners and their muth\- herbal systems that need to be continually
defended and advanced (La Hausse, 1984; Manzo, 1991; Derrida, 1978;
Edmons, 2003). The present baron driven development agencies attempt
to ensure the sustainance of racist western cultural values, such as MMC
and preference of English language over Nguni language. Mayekiso
(1996:24) confirms that they are:

...Willing to do anything in their power, even floating reactionary
and untenable ideas to the civic movement, to maintain their
wealth, assure the continuation of an extremely exploitative form
of capitalism in South Africa, and lower the political will power of

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the...movement to gain socio-economic objectives.

In summary, although this study was not intended to review the effects
of social changes that are sweeping in the liberal democratic South Africa
that came with a promise of redressing the European colonial injustices
on racial inequality. The proclamation of Section 185 of the South African
Constitution that guaranteeing the establishment of a Commission for
the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and
Linguistic Communities but such initiatives were underscored due to its
exclusion of the bearers of the indigenous African cultural values, i.e.
Izinyanga the relevant authority to manage the circumcision rite that
was initiated by the Government and other related agencies. It offered
the opportunity to re-evaluate the Mandelism era, as one view suggest
that it helped to gain a better understanding of the 'freedom' that was
envisaged to offer the previously disadvantaged black Africans the
opportunity for their self determination on issues such as the cultural
values such as land and socialisation processes, i.e. Circumcision rite and
the suggestion of clinic approach illustrate the realities of the 'integration'
of different racial cultural system into western value systems.

The Charterist's regime should consider promulgating policies on land in
respect for revival of subsistence farming and barter economic systems
and the black Africans cultural values systems including socialisation
processes. This will assist the black African people the opportunity to
compete fairly as they remain considered informal traders operating in a
'hidden' economy in this era. This might contribute towards reduction of
15 % 'illegal' protests for demands of land redistribution and basic social
services and a move towards a realisation of the liberated A zania.

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12. CONCLUSION

T his publication briefly captures the rationale for the perceptions
of black African youth based in the urban and rural areas on the
present revival of the circumcision rite in KwaZulu-Natal. Indeed,

their cooperation and willingness to share their understanding on the
historical development of circumcision ritual and rationale behind its
inception.

Literature was explored and compared with experiences youth that were
investigated. The present circumcision processes do not operate within
the parameters of Initiation School and ignores the natural spatiality, i.e.
river, mountain and forest. The concept of homology of indigenous of
knowledge systems was explored for its emphasis on single background
of indigenous Africans irrespective of the present location around the
universe including other members of the human race. Participants came
from different localities and discussions highlighted identified challenges
e.g. the impact of dreadful European colonialism, as they remain
alienated from their land m as they are still quarantined in the labour
reserves and forced to sell their labour power.

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Conclusion

The qualitative approach was utilised in collecting data in this study for
its relevance and enabling collection and usage of various sources and
self reflection of the researcher. The degree of alienation of the black
African, and their dependency on the media reports and absence parental
guidance. The consumer oriented clinical approach was favourable for its
reasons such as the duration. The relevance of curbing the communicable
diseases and revival of indigenous African culture remain unrealistic,
besides revival of the ancient European linked barbarian slaves marking
, as the only down pressed people that are subjected in this mutilation
that tantamount to a rape of the phallus and blood offering to their gods.

Lastly, it is recommended that the African National Congress Charterist's
regime should facilitate the land to black Africans for subsistence farm¬
ing and barter economic. Indeed the present cultural revival resembles
the 'CODES A circus' that paraded opportunist leadership. The isala kut-
shelwa ..., Africa and her children awaits "its own creators" and drums
heart beat of freedom are ceaselessly echoing the unstoppable forth
coming royal theocratic order of the liberated A zania in due season.

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GLOSSARY AND TERMS

Abafana

This term is used normally by Xhosa people to
refer to males who have undergone the same
ritual processes.

Abakhwetha

Young men going through a ritual.

Amabhinca/iziqhaza

Uneducated/acquired low level of western
education

Amadlozi

Spirits that relate to ancestor worship

Amakrwala

Newly initiated/circumcised young men

Ekhankasini/iphempe

The hut of isolation where circumcision takes
place

Ikhankatha

The principal of the circumcision school

Imfecane Wars

Civil war amongst the Nguni people that is
associated with King Shaka of the Zulu clan

Induna

Community leaders who represent the king in a
particular village

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Glossary and terms

Inhlalisuthi

Normally it refers to the individuals who
always give excuses when it comes to sharing a
dinner with another person especially in cases
between the circumcised and uncircumcised

Ingqwele

An elderly boy who younger boys respect and
fear due to his bullying

Inkwenkwe

Uncircumcised young men

Inyanga- (singular)

Indigenous/traditional doctors

Izinyanga -(plural)

Izifundiswa/izitatanyiswa

The elite who are normally known for their
ego flattering tendencies towards the non
educated/ or someone who has attained a low
level in the western education system

Muthi

Medicine that is made up of a mixture of
leaves/traditional medicine

Ubuntu

African principle, which is known to be the
citadel of truth and right, as it emphasises that
two wrongs cannot make one right

Ukuhlobonga

Sexual intercourse practices such as non-
penetrative sex long practised by the clan

Ukuqhatha

A circumcision rite that is normally practiced by
young men during their herding session in the veld

Ukusoka

The circumcision rite, first celebration

Ukwelusa

Herding of live stock, i.e. goat, sheep and cattle

Umkhosi womhlanga

Reed festival that is normally attended by the
young maidens

Umuntu ungumuntu
ngabantu

Do right to others so that they can do that to
you, abstain from self-destructive acts and
practise the...

UNkulunkulu

Most High Creator/God

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LIST OF FIGURES, TABLES AND ILLUSTRATIONS:

Figure 1: Map of early Nguni people movement routes

Figure 2: Painting depicting ancient African circumcision process

Figure 3: Helichrysum caespititium plant formula

Figure 4: Some of Indigenous African circumcision methods

Figure 5: The illustration of Tara Klampa

Figure 6: Male sexual organ diagram

Tables

Table 1: Perceptions of the revival of circumcision practice
<§> $
Table 2: Glossary of terms

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Research project made possible through:

UKZN College of Humanities Strategic Research Grant

UNIVERSITY OF

KWAZULU-NATAL
INYUVESI

YAKWAZULU-NATAU

(Endnotes)

1 Ethiopianism emanates from the term "Ethiopia", which refers to "Kush" or "Cush",
the ancient name of the African continent. The word "Ethiopian" therefore represents
Africa's dignity and place in the divine dispensation and provided a platform for free
African faith and nations of the future.

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Male circumcision rites versus Zulu culture (Mentions Shumbamusha)

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